Two things can be said straightaway about this subject. Firstly, spectacular success has been achieved since 1992. Secondly, a great deal remains to be done.

After the Guyana Bar Association (GBA) was revived in 1978, united around opposition to the Administration of Justice Act which was subsequently enacted, I served for over ten years as a member of the executive which is called the Bar Council, holding several offices. One of the main concerns of the GBA in those years was police brutality which was open, blatant and routine. Much of the violence was directed against petty criminals, PPP supporters and opposition activists generally, particularly those of the WPA after that Party became active in the 1970s. Many campaigns were undertaken by the GBA and political parties this matter.

Today the situation is different. True, there are still allegations of police and army brutality. But the pervasive, routine violence, directed against alleged criminals as well as political activists, no longer exists.

I came into direct contact with police brutality during the 1970s and 1980s when, as a young and not so young lawyer, I was regularly visited police stations to seek station bail for, or in the defence of many PPP and GAWU activists who were routinely arrested, beaten and charged for public order offences whenever there was a sugar strike. Since that time I became conscious of the important role of the both the police and military, which was then a tremendously feared institution, in the machinery of oppression and the necessity for thorough reforms to these institutions in a democratic Guyana. These began after 1992 and I have followed as an onlooker the efforts to implement reform. I have been impressed by the diligence and tenacity with which they have been pursued both by the current Minister, his colleagues of the past and the Office of the President. They are being greatly assisted by the Commodore Best and Commissioner Greene, two of the ablest heads of disciplined services who have held those posts and their predecessors who had all embraced reform.

By 2001 when President Jagdeo was sworn in as the elected President, that process had gone a sufficient distance to begin the serious effort to transform these institutions. After substantial upgrading, even though some initiatives have failed and others have not been pursued, the disciplined services have recently demonstrated a capability to successfully take on the most serious challenges. Despite these advances, all will agree that much more remains to be done.

This brings me to the current controversy in connection with the British assistance for the Security Sector Reform Plan (SSRP). I have no detailed knowledge of its dimensions or the specific issues which have created the dispute. But I know that the successful implementation of the SSRP will make a significant difference to the administrative and functional capability of the security forces and will enhance their overall efficiency and effectiveness to a substantial degree. A lot of work and effort went into devising the SSRP. The British Government acted on an independent report, compiled by a group of Commonwealth security experts from countries in Africa, Asia and elsewhere, who traveled to Guyana on more than one occasion to study the situation. I know this because I was interviewed at length and in depth about issues relating to parliamentary oversight on two occasions by the team.

This work having been done, the British and Guyana Governments have spent a long time negotiating the agreement. With the need so great, the efforts so extensive and the goodwill already generated, it is painful to see relations between the participants, underlined by unusually strong language, take a negative turn.

Guyana has excellent relations with the British and needs those relations to develop even further. A failure to consummate the SSRP, while I doubt will damage those relations, will place an unnecessary burden of hesitancy to any future discussions. While Guyana cannot compromise its sovereignty, as Dr. Luncheon quite properly asserted, Guyana, equally, must place its “frustrations” in a broader perspective and expend even greater energy to arrive at an agreement. This cannot be rocket science. The British High Commissioner said that his government “remains open and ready to discuss any issue in relation to the programme.” Dr. Luncheon said “it is in the interest of both countries to pursue the project together.”

By rejecting Dr. Luncheon’s resignation, President Jagdeo has clearly signaled that he also wants an agreement and the continuation of negotiations. Both sides having vented their frustrations, and having publicly acknowledged they are ready to continue negotiations, are now obliged to go to work again and secure an agreement. We in Guyana want it. Guyana needs it. The security forces will greatly benefit from it. The British are anxious to have it. Only the details remain to be sorted out.