THERE are things that politicians take to their grave. Except for a fairly plausible biography of Burnham by Professor Linden Lewis, there is an ocean of mysterious things about the Burnham regime that Guyana will never know. They are lost forever because Burnham and all of those in the inner circle of Burnham did not leave any published notes, and they are dead and gone except for Hamilton Green.

No one that was close to Guyana’s internationally-acclaimed poet, Martin Carter, is alive today. Guyana will never know about the suspicious and questionable relationship between Martin Carter and British intelligence agencies. I am convinced beyond a shadow of a doubt that Carter had connections with British intelligence, and I believe that when his active days were over, he became a dipsomaniac out of regret about his betrayal.

Today, there is no solid evidence of Carter’s betrayal. since we do not know for sure if he was the man the British gave the code name Lascar, which is contained in released British documents. Those papers redacted the real name of Lascar. I think Lascar was Martin Carter.

One of the Guyanese political earthquakes that occurred in 2025, and that perhaps will never be revealed, is how Azruddin Mohamed ensnared the PNC. It occurred during the national controversy surrounding the Adriana Younge case.  I doubt any person in the WIN party knows about what went on between Mohamed and the PNC, because Mohamed always acted alone, and those who were with him when he conducted business with the PNC were the lumpen elements that provided his security.

The seeds of the PNC’s electoral demise lie in the drama that unfolded the very day after the child’s death became a national controversy. Mohamed began to court PNC leaders (one in particular) and provided resources to the PNC to wage a political battle out of the child’s death.

An enormous amount of money was donated by Mohamed. The PNC saw Mohamed as a priceless ally, and began to deepen the relationship. For Mohamed, it was his avenue for his political entry, which he sincerely believed would stop the Americans from taking the OFAC sanctions to their logical culmination.

Long before the Younge swimming death, Mohamed had consulted an American legal firm about his future. After he was advised that the OFAC sanctions would not be dropped, Azruddin felt that politics would shield him from any eventuality. The Adriana Younge scandal was the perfect strategy. He knew that the PNC intended to use the Younge tragedy to rampage against the government.

While Mohamed had his reason for courting the PNC, the PNC had an agenda for Mohamed. Get closer to him, expand his status, make him popular, and he will weaken the PPP because he is East Indian. What Mohamed did is that he financed the politics of rampage. I know he was extremely generous to the PNC and the Younge family. What happened next was a self-destructive venture by the PNC. The influential people inside the PNC and some close to the PNC leaders gravitated to Mohamed.

The self-destructive moment came when, through the behaviour of the PNC leaders towards Mohamed, supporters of the PNC, the PNC’s lumpen elements and Afro-Guyanese in general saw Mohamed as someone the PNC leaders trusted, and that they could trust too. These people saw how PNC-aligned lawyers, PNC-aligned journalists and others had elevated Mohamed to the point where they felt he was a special PNC person.

For the months the Younge tragedy played out, the world of PNC supporters saw Mohamed as a person very special to the PNC. The scrapeheads cultivated a relationship with Mohamed. These were the sub-cultural groups that the PNC could call upon to create instability.

When the Younge post-mortem report generated street protests, the scrapeheads readily answered the call of Mohamed. At this point, (April to July), four things were happening: The Younge family saw Mohamed as their saviour, PNC people began to see Mohamed as their leader, and the PNC was content to encourage the presence of Mohamed in the world of the PNC, because the PNC felt that he was a threat to the PPP.

The election season of 2025 became the death wish of the PNC. Instead of distancing themselves from WIN, PNC leaders allowed WIN to campaign in PNC Afro-Guyanese areas because the PNC felt that such a strategy had no value, because Mohamed is bound to dent the PPP’s support.

Important to note is that the PNC could not have objected to WIN’s presence in Afro-dominated areas, because, I know the PNC’s campaign finance came from Mohamed. PNC districts all over Guyana voted for Mohamed, because they thought their party, the PNC, would not mind. The  world of the PNC now belongs to WIN.

DISCLAIMER: The views and opinions expressed in this column are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the Guyana National Newspapers Limited.