A critical deconstruction of Hughes’ governance blueprint, sophistication hoax

Dear Editor,
THE Guyana Business Journal’s (GBJ) recent feature on Nigel Hughes presents a romanticised portrait of a man who, in reality, has consistently demonstrated a troubling pattern of political expediency, corporate allegiance, and legal manoeuvring that undermines the very principles of transformational leadership.
Far from being a visionary, Hughes is a political opportunist whose actions betray the national interest he claims to champion.
Let us begin with the most glaring contradiction: Hughes’ unapologetic admission that if his client’s interests—namely ExxonMobil Guyana Limited (EMGL)—conflict with the national interest, then his client’s interests shall prevail.
This is not a misstep; it is a declaration of allegiance to corporate power over sovereign responsibility. In my June 2024 commentary, I argued that such a conflict of interest cannot be managed—it must be avoided entirely.
Hughes’ law firm’s continued presence on EMGL’s payroll, even while he serves as a presidential candidate, violates the spirit of the U.S. Foreign Corrupt Practices Act and EMGL’s own anti-corruption policy.
Hughes’ role in the withdrawal of the $4 billion counterclaim against Booker Tate—his client—by the APNU+AFC government in 2015 is another example of his prioritisation of client interests over national accountability.
As I detailed in my November 2024 analysis, the PPP/C government had filed legal action against Booker Tate for the failed Skeldon Sugar Modernisation Project. Hughes, acting as Booker Tate’s attorney, facilitated the withdrawal of the case, allowing the company to escape liability despite documented breaches.
The infamous 33 vs. 32 parliamentary majority argument, widely seen as a legal farce, was orchestrated by Hughes to delay elections and secure EMGL’s production timeline.
My November 2024 rebuttal clarified that former President Donald Ramotar never solicited the legal opinion Hughes cited; it was unsolicited and rejected. This maneuver allowed the APNU+AFC government to remain in office unconstitutionally, locking in the 2016 Petroleum Agreement and complicating future renegotiation efforts.
Hughes’ claim that the government spends 97 per cent of oil revenues is demonstrably false. As I outlined in my December 2024 rebuttal, the Natural Resource Fund (NRF) held a balance of US$3.2 billion as of September 2024, with only 40 per cent of earnings spent, which means that 60 per cent of the oil revenues remained untouched in the NRF.
This reflects fiscal discipline, not recklessness. Moreover, my analysis of non-oil revenues—US$7.4 billion from 2020–2024—shows that Hughes’ obsession with oil earnings ignores broader fiscal realities.
Despite two decades of existence, the AFC under Hughes has failed to produce a national development strategy.
In my June 2025 commentary, I noted that Hughes publicly pleaded with other parties, including the PPP/C, to help develop a 15–20-year strategy—an admission that the AFC lacks policy capacity. This contradicts the GBJ’s claim that Hughes offers a comprehensive blueprint for governance.
Hughes’ racially charged contract award study, presented on an opposition-controlled podcast, was exposed in my January 2023 rebuttal as methodologically flawed and politically motivated. His attempt to validate opposition narratives of Afro-Guyanese marginalisation lacked empirical rigor and was designed to inflame ethnic tensions.
Under Hughes’ leadership, the AFC has been marked by internal disarray and strategic miscalculations. His failed coalition negotiations with APNU, rejection of practical education trends, and criticism of the GOAL scholarship programme reveal a leader out of touch with national priorities and youth aspirations.
Finally, Hughes’ refusal to take responsibility for the AFC’s failures during the 2015–2020 administration, despite earlier promises to do so, underscores his lack of integrity. As I argued in my November 2024 op-ed, transformational leadership requires honesty, accountability, and patriotism—qualities Hughes demonstrably lacks.
In sum, the GBJ’s portrayal of Nigel Hughes is a carefully curated illusion. His legal entanglements, corporate loyalties, and political manoeuvres betray the very institutional integrity he claims to champion. Guyana deserves leadership rooted in evidence, ethics, and national interest—not corporate servitude and rhetorical flair.
Sincerely,
Joel Bhagwandin

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