VENEZUELA’S overt threat to annex a large portion of Guyana’s territory caused our Government to seek support from many quarters.
The first stop was CARICOM, of which Guyana is an active member. In fact, the organisation’s headquarters is located here. Along with Trinidad and Tobago, Barbados and Jamaica, Guyana was an original signatory to the Treaty of Chaguramas which established CARICOM in 1973. Since then Guyana has been steadfast in its participation in the organisation.
However, some observers have noted that the regional movement, while coming out in support of Guyana, was not necessarily fulsome in its solidarity. In fact, the WPA, one of the parties in the governing coalition, issued a scathing statement in that regard. The party drew attention to the “watered-down” statement. As it observed, “The Statement was extremely terse, as though the Heads would rather be rid of the problem [which might have been the position of Dominica, Haiti, Jamaica and St. Vincent who have especially benefited from the Venezuelan connection). In fact, the Statement refers specifically to Guyana in only two paragraphs.”]
This observation by the WPA points to a dilemma that all regional integration movements face – the tension between regional commitments and domestic interests. CARICOM member states have always struggled with this problem. But, it has become worse over the last two decades as countries such as Venezuela and China have engaged individual CARICOM members. The consequence is that member states end up subtly and not so subtly competing with each other, as they seek to garner resources for themselves.
The problem is that the vulnerability of small states invariably pushes them to accept aid from all quarters. The Venezuelan assistance, through its PetroCaribe programme has been a god-send for many Caribbean countries, including Guyana. But as we are now seeing with the issue of solidarity with Guyana against Venezuela, the price for Venezuela’s aid includes forsaking your brothers and sisters.
This calls into focus yet again the meaning of our independence. Is it possible for small states to retain their true independence in a harsh world that, according to calypsonian David Rudder, “that don’t need islands no more?” Rudder was of course, referring to the ever-present and omnipresent Globalisation, a world order that promises much but delivers little to small states such as those in CARICOM.
From the aborted Federation of 1958-62 to the 21st century CARICOM, the Caribbean has identified regional integration as the ultimate gateway to its survival and development. But the push towards deeper integration has persistently come up against the barriers generated by individual interests. The Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ) is a good example. While all Caribbean states have long celebrated the end of “Massa Day,” most are comfortable remaining part of the Privy Council rather than joining a court which they created. We have the embarrassment of the CCJ being located in a country which is not a member of the court.
As we negotiate the next 50 years of Caribbean Independence, the issue of Caribbean Integration must of necessity be at the top of the agenda. Is it possible to balance individual interests and regional imperatives? The answer is not automatic. Others such as the European Common Market have had to grapple with it. We in the Caribbean must confront it head on.