This, together with the absence of satisfactory reference to the global financial crisis, were non-negotiables to the ALBA countries, five of which were at the Summit.

Other contentious issues were the Declaration’s support for biofuels as a renewable energy source—opposed by Bolivia– and the reference in the Summit Preamble to ‘democratically elected leaders’, an implied criticism of Cuba that some leaders wanted to remove.

In the circumstances, the leaders evidently decided that it would be better for none of them to sign, than for some to do so  while others abstained.

This would have put their disagreement on public display; exposing the signers to the charge of being ‘sell-outs’ to the United States; and the non-signers to the charge of being ‘spoilers ‘.

The Summit would have ended on a sour note. And much of the progress made  in setting a new tone to U.S.-Latin American relations would have been undone. Having the Summit Chairman sign takes everyone else off the hook.

It was probably the ‘least bad’ compromise.  But it robs the Port of Spain Declaration of much of its political force.

Summit declarations do not have legally binding force. But they do carry some weight, as organisations such as the OAS refer to them as providing a broad political mandate for their work programme.

By appending their signatures individually, each leader expressly indicates his of her political support. The absence of individual signatures, on the other hand,  opens the way for anyone to question the legitimacy of its mandate.

The imbroglio raises questions about the procedures used for drafting the Summit Declaration.  

The explanation provided—that the Declaration was drafted over the last two years and there was no time to make changes—with due respect, just won’t wash.

The global crisis broke with all its ferocity over six months ago. And the unanimous position on Cuba of all 32 Latin American and Caribbean countries was known at least four months ago, in the Declaration of Bahia adopted at their first summit on December 16, 2008.

It ‘beggars belief’ that there was no time to address these issues in the preparation of the Summit Declaration.

The Communiqué from the recent G20 Summit, for instance, was being negotiated right up to the 11th hour.

Prime Minister Manning went on a much publicised tour of several Latin American capitals in the weeks prior to the Summit. He came out of the meeting with President Lula of Brazil saying ‘Cuba is on everybody’s lips’.

Surely he had some idea of what was brewing.

The signs were plentiful. There were statements from several other leaders prior to the Summit, including Bachelet of Chile and Morales of Bolivia.

After a meeting with Daniel Ortega of Nicaragua held two weeks before the Summit, Fidel Castro predicted that the Declaration would be ‘unacceptable’ to many leaders.

How could Havana be better informed than Port of Spain?

The ALBA Five came to Port of Spain having taken a public position on the matter. It was unthinkable that they would have climbed down at that point.

Curiously, there seems to have been some disconnect between the drafting process and the real world of politics and diplomacy.

This notwithstanding, the Summit was not a debacle.

President Obama evidently impressed the other leaders with his willingness to listen and to turn a new page  in relations with the hemisphere; one without ‘senior’ partners and ‘junior’ partners.

His statements—including his ‘absolute opposition’ to the violent overthrow of elected hemispheric  leaders, will be reassuring to Evo Morales and Hugo Chavez, among others.

The chemistry and body language between him and the other leaders looked good.

They will be looking now for his words to be turned into deeds.

In spite of Cuba’s absence, during the Summit it became apparent that President Obama and President Castro are singing from the same hymn sheet as regards dialogue. The U.S. has implicitly abandoned its failed policy of seeking regime change in Cuba. Willingness to dialogue implies de facto recognition of the Cuban Revolution.

Havana, for its part, has agreed to human rights and political prisoners being included on the agenda. Thus, the last remaining obstacles to negotiations appear to have been removed.

Latin America and Caribbean leaders, for their part, have shown that their desire for improved relations with Washington does not come at any price. They were not going to sign a declaration that was acceptable to the United States, but not to them.

But they have met and eye-balled Barack. They have shook hands, exchanged cordial greetings, even speaking in each other’s language. ‘I want to be your friend’ said Chavez to Obama . ¿Cómo estás? Obama asked Chavez.

And CARICOM can now at least expect a hearing of its concerns in the White House.

All this is certainly a big change from the long winter of the Bush years.

May they never return.

USE PHOTOS saved as: in Graphcis file as Manning singing

Prime Minister Patrick Manning signs the adopted declaration to end the Fifth Summit of the Americas on Sunday