THE group of nations that comprise the English-speaking islands of the Caribbean Sea plus Belize in Central America and Guyana and Surinam in South America, named CARICOM, is, in terms of geopolitics, geostrategic value, and UN voting power, far more important to the world than Israel.
Some of these islands, together with Guyana, straddling both its Caribbean Sea neighbours and South America, are important geopolitical players that ought to use their strategic location to bargain for respect in global affairs. CARICOM comprises 15 full members, including Haiti with a population of 18 million and square miles of 177, 000. Israel, by contrast, is 8,000 square miles with nine million people.
Israel enjoys prodigious support from one of the two superpowers in the world – the US – and Canada and the 27-member-body named European Union. The political, economic and cultural closeness between Israel and the West is enduring and colossal. Many reasons explain this.
First, there is the location of Israel, which the US sees as one of the foundations of US security. The US sees Israel as sandwiched inside a gigantic corridor of Arab states that, culturally and politically, and in terms of religion, are not as similar to American society as Israel. This strategic value of Israel makes no sense in international realpolitik because many Arab states have had a tight and enduring geo-strategic relationship with the US.
Secondly, American domestic pragmatism has shaped American closeness to Israel. Jewish businesses in the US are some of the richest enterprises in the world. Jewish funds and American elections are intricately connected. Thirdly, in Canada, the EU nations, and the US, Israel is perceived to be a special nation because of the Jewish race and biblical explanations of the role of Jews in the birth of Christianity.
For a country of a mere nine million people and 8,000 square miles with no sound economic foundation and with no seminal contribution to the world economy, Israel punches above its weight and for obvious reason. Its strength lies not in its own economy and its political, cultural, and scientific contribution to the world, but through its protection from the US and EU.
This is the configuration of international affairs that the Third World or the Global South or the developing world, or the post-colonial world (whichever typology you prefer) cannot do anything about and should have no interest in trying to change. What CARICOM should be interested in doing is using its important leverage to demand recognition of its value to global stability.
CARICOM, as a solidified body, needs to shape its collective foreign policy to insulate itself from Western manipulation and reduce itself to the status of sycophancy in international relations. If Israel without even 10 percent of the resources of CARICOM (Guyana stands out as a country in CARICOM that Israel will not catch up with in terms of marketable resources in the foreseeable future), can be a power in international relations, then so can CARICOM.
Pragmatically, a nation can be content with having a servile relationship with a wealthy power once the subordinate status results in substantial financial, economic and resource transfer to it. In other words, its livelihood is guaranteed by Big Brother. But why kowtow to a huge, wealthy partner and get nothing in return?
It is relevant here to quote Sir Ron Sanders: “The 14-nation independent states of the Caribbean Community have been at the bottom of US official development assistance for decades. In 2019, for instance, total US foreign assistance globally was US$47 billion, of which, collectively, CARICOM countries received US$338 million or 0.7 percent.
For emphasis, that is less than one percent of the global total. Haiti alone received US$268 million of that US$338 million intended for all 14 CARICOM states, leaving the other 13 to share US$70 million only. For 9 of the 13 countries, the sum provided did not amount to US$1 million.”
CARICOM countries cannot dictate what global giants must give them. It is for these giants to decide their aid policies. Wealthy countries with geopolitical preoccupations will obviously give generous aid to special small states. But small nations that perpetuate a relationship based on sycophancy will get nothing because their servitude is guaranteed.
CARICOM nations must, in 2024 onwards try to project their presence on the world stage. This columnist suggests four pathways. (1), strengthening the integration movement. (2), participation in alternative forums of development from the traditional trading partners after Independence, for example, BRICS. (3), full membership in China’s belt and road Initiative. China gives generous aid, which must be utilised by CARICOM to the maximum. Finally, be a more forceful, independent voice in international organisations.