Part 2: Will UN Security Council back US-funded Africa-Caribbean multinational invasion force?

THE United Nations (UN) Security Council met (Monday, October 2) on the crucial question of whether to back another US-backed intervention in the Caribbean — this time in Haiti, but without American or UN troops.

Instead, the world’s top security watchdog will be asked to approve a multinational force funded by the US, but led by Caribbean and African troops.
Washington will fund the latest external intervention with US $100 Million and will also provide the military planes, arms, logistics, intelligence, and medical support for the envisaged thousands of police officers and soldiers from Kenya and several Caribbean Community (CARICOM) states.

Among those that have already indicated willingness to participate in the hundred-million-dollar deployment of Caribbean men and women are Antigua and Barbuda, The Bahamas, Barbados, and Jamaica, with Kenya pledging at least 1,000 troops.

The UN is not being asked to authorize a UN Peacekeeping Force (PKF), but instead to back a US-led initiative involving long-distance support akin to Ukraine, where European, NATO and G-7 states are supporting the war by providing everything for the battlefield, but from afar.
It seems more like the UN being asked to give its blessing to a US-backed multinational force comprising police officers being sent to fight against gangs supposedly so feared by the US that it won’t commit any of its troops.

But the effort to get the Security Council’s backing and blessing may not be all-that-easy, as China and Russia, with veto powers, are not expected to willy-nilly agree to yet another external armed intervention in Haiti, while the Council is preoccupied with talk about peace in Ukraine.
In addition, the only Caribbean Community (CARICOM) member-state on the Council, Saint Vincent & The Grenadines, has indicated it will not support the proposed US-led Haiti plan.
In the past week, it’s been ‘All Systems Go’ for execution of the latest plan for the umpteenth invasion of Haiti under the usual pretext of saving lives and protecting interests, after which the lives of Haitians never get better.

It’s also like the plan is to observe the 40th anniversary of the Grenada ‘Rescue Mission’ that cost more lives in an invasion and occupation that outlawed a party and forever destabilized the three-island Caribbean state that was home to the first revolution in an English-speaking state.
The October 25, 1983 US-led and Caribbean-backed Grenada invasion was precipitated by the house-arrest of Prime Minister Maurice Bishop on October 17, followed by popular protests that led to his death with some of his fellow Cabinet members on October 19.

The October 2023 plot – 40 years later — is to have Caribbean and African faces ‘leading’ the force, just like back in 1983, when some Caribbean states handed over the fig-leaf ‘invitation’ for a ‘rescue mission’ through a full-fledged invasion of a neighboring state, to bury a revolution that had already committed suicide.
Haiti has seen more than any country’s fair share of deaths and disasters, coups and counter-coups and elections that change nothing for anyone except the military and corrupt political leaders.

In the past three decades, none of the several ‘elected’ Haitian governments has ever been able to get the state to function, leading to complete breakdowns in law and order, sectoral divisions between the military and police, fractions between lower and high (or supreme) courts, unimaginable corruption at all levels and growth of community breakdowns that led to gangs and gangsterism featuring murders and kidnappings;

The mega-earthquake of 2010 left 500,000 Haitians homeless in a nation already ravaged by poverty, corruption, and the absence of governance.
Also in 2010, following the earthquake’s destruction, UN PKFs sent to assist introduced a cholera epidemic that resulted in over 820,000 cases and approximately 10,000 deaths.
Haiti was declared cholera-free in 2022, but after more than two decades, not one Haitian victim’s family had received compensation from the UN, which easily and heartlessly invoked ‘diplomatic immunity’ to avoid paying reparations due to victims of its peacekeeping soldiers’ unhealthy doing.

In July 2021, elected president Jouvenel Moise was brutally assassinated at his home (and in his wife’s presence) by an imported group of mainly Colombian mercenaries.
Since then, his successor, Prime Minister Ariel Henry, has been acting as President, with no signs of either elections or peace anywhere on the horizon.
Press reports indicated Prime Minister Henry was fingered and questioned over his predecessor’s death, even accused of involvement, which he’s always fervently denied.
The one common denominator in all the calls made in the discussions with the group of CARICOM ex-Prime Ministers in their latest meetings with Haitian stakeholders was their call for Prime Minister Henry’s resignation, which he also refuses to heed.

Clearly, Henry’s intent is to remain in charge until and after the promised external military intervention by Kenyan and Caribbean troops with possible UN-backing, never mind the complete rejection of external military intervention by the vast majority of Haitians, especially after their dirty UN cholera experience.
Kenya is seen by Haitians at home and abroad as blindly rushing into late implementation of an inherited decision at a much-changed time in Haiti, with all the manifestations of a truly-failed state, by all yardsticks.

The larger picture in the grand and wider scheme of things unsaid is that there’s no way 1,000 Kenyn soldiers and even twice as many Caribbean police officers can handle the situation as being described in Haiti today.

Any Caribbean contingent in any international military force to be deployed to Haiti will include the Caribbean’s US-trained Regional Security System (RSS) — established after the US-led invasion in the name of a rescue mission in 1983.

This time around, with global attention on France’s decline in Africa and the West preoccupied with the rising costs of the non-ending war in Ukraine and emergence of more warring hotspots in Europe (in Nogorno-Karabach and ex-Yugoslavia), all the emphasis of those supporting external intervention is on ensuring Haiti doesn’t finally get the freedom it lost after France killed its revolution.

The grand 2023 plan is to invoke a ‘Black-on-Black’ approach that would see invaders looking like Haitians doing the dirty work of cleaning-up the mess for continuity of their long and exhausting journey of exploitation and oppression by external forces only interested in their hidden sub-soil and sub-sea natural resource treasures now coming to light.