THIS is yet another installment in my series on the Mulatto/Creole class (MCC). The last article was on the MCC’s fight with the ex-ROAR Indian moneyed people inside the Alliance For Change in 2011 when the national election was due.

In that column, I did indicate that the next part will look at the continuing fight between the MCC and the Indians after 2015 when the AFC got into power.
I have had several requests to enumerate the series. Some people told me they would like to keep the series but they cannot find all the pieces because they were not numbered. I agree that was a mistake. Here now are the numbered parts with dates and titles from May 2023 including today’s piece.
Part 1, May 22, 2023- “I am back and will continue my class analysis.”
Part 2, May 28, 2023 – “Guyana: Race and class in 2023.”
Part 3, May 31 – “Race and class suicide in Guyana in 2023.”
Part 4, June 26- “Burnham and the MCC: Notes on class antagonism.”
Part 5, June 30 – “Class survival in Guyana after 1974.”
Part 6, July 7, 2023- “Dialectics of class formations in Guyana.”
Part 7, July 14, 2023 – “Raphael, this is Nassau.”
Part 8, August 9, 2023 – “The MCC’s dislike for Indians deepened after 2011.”
Part 9, August 24 – “The revelation of Salaudeen Nausrudeen.”

So, let’s take up from where we left off on August 9. I begin today not as I promised with the AFC in government in May 2015. I will come to that, but with a revelation by Mr. Salaudeen Nausrudeen, the campaign manager for the AFC in 2011.

I think all would agree that the campaign manager of a party in a general election puts him/her on par with the very big ones in the party’s hierarchy.
On the Gildarie-Freddie Kissoon Show, a few weeks back, reflecting on the dead meat the AFC has become, Mr. Nausrudeen said from what he saw in 2015, the AFC had real racial issues besetting the party and that disoriented (my word) the AFC.

After the show was over and we were walking to our cars, I probed him further and he asserted that all he was prepared to say, and I quote: “They didn’t want Ramjattan.” Asked to go further, he declined. Gildarie looked surprised when Mr. Nausrudeen uttered those words, but I was not, as you can see if you go back to parts seven and eight in the series.
Nausrudeen as campaign manager would have seen and heard things in the 2011 campaign by MCC personalities that made him feel that Ramjattan was not wanted.
In fact, Nausrudeen himself was assigned the job as campaign manager not by the AFC’s leadership, but by the rich Indian disapora who in 2011 bankrolled the AFC’s election campaign. I asked him if that was the source of his employment as the campaign manager and he confirmed

By 2014, the MCC was in deep political trouble, as it always has been throughout its attempt to control Guyana after the end of colonialism. By 2014, the AFC was no longer an MCC entity but could easily be classified as an Indian party.

The announcement by Raphael Trotman as party leader in February 2017 that the AFC did not award ministerial portfolios to three top MCC founders of the AFC – he, Dominic Gaskin and the husband of Sheila Holder, Noel Holder – after the AFC came to power in 2015 was Trotman’s way of exposing the Indian take-over of the AFC.
By 2016, most of the MCC’s bigwigs in the WPA and AFC had gone over fully to the PNC. They saw Mr. Granger as the embodiment of the MCC. In an interview with the Chronicle at his home in D’Urban Backlands, President Granger told the reporter that his routine starts in the morning with the music of Bach and Chopin.

It is unheard of in the history of West Indian politics that a politician would publicly reveal that he starts his morning listening to the masters of European classical music.
Dr. Roopnaraine, while still in the government, in an interview with Dr. Danpaul Narine of “The West Indian” (diaspora newspaper), said that he and Mr. Granger were always close friends since school days at QC. In that stunning interview, Dr. Roopnaraine said that he trusted Mr. Granger to look after his health rather than the WPA.
So from the beginning of the PNC and AFC in government, the tensions were tsunamic. The story of the APNU+AFC regime was one of the MCC asserting itself in power and resenting in emotional ways the latitude the Cummingsburg Accord offered the AFC. Part 10 and 11 will conclude the series.