Mingo and Lowenfield are the street-corner dealers

MANY would be aware of the individual facts that are pulled together here in one spot and linked with a narrative.  The intent is to call attention to the hands behind the coordinated attempts to rig the election, and to confront their current attempts to destabilise the country.  This is not intended to resurrect Cambridge Analytica, or detract from those connected with the Guyana National Youth Council (GNYC) with the best of intentions.

Recently, I saw a short video clip of Granger stirring up strife and deceiving supporters:
Granger, Harmon and other Coalition leaders continue to mislead their supporters and maintain the illusion that the present government rigged the election.  In addition, they are increasingly turning their attention to destabilising the country.

The spin is that they are fighting for justice; that the government is victimising innocent people (e.g. Mingo is a modest guy).  However, even as they spew these false claims, they’ve spiked their two elections with built-in errors that would sabotage those very petitions.  If the SOPs are still around, they don’t want them public.

These attempts to destabilise the country will continue if focus is not brought to the issue of who orchestrated and set parts of the plot into motion.  That is, if the public only has before them the deeds of the operational underlings; the street-corner dealers, while the deeds of the lords remain obscured in a smokescreen of rhetoric.

Lowenfield is no lone rogue, and Mingo is no author; he cannot even project onto a bedsheet.  They will and should be held accountable.  But that itself could lead to more trouble, if the chief instigators themselves are not placed in the spotlight and called into account before they have the opportunity to do more damage.

I will provide some dots below on the wider nature of the plot, but must first make it clear that others mentioned in the narrative are simply to aid this intention.  In fact, some of the “foot-soldiers” may have had little idea of the hidden ends of what they were doing.  Again, this is not intended to resurrect Cambridge Analytica, or current and former GNYC operators, but rather to link their organisation’s methodologies, and indicate that many fronts were employed in the attempted coup, maybe akin to imaginary divisions in war-gaming.
First, here is the lead-in.  I believe a much wider plot than just the Mingo/Lowenfield distraction began at least from the time they took office in 2015, and likely before. Their intention was never to demit office.  We are lucky that unlike the finesse of Burnham’s operations, the execution of the ‘Granger Ops’ were frequently clumsy.

The Granger administration didn’t take the reins to govern; they took it for power, and the AFC fell in line with the “power-drunkenness.”   The administration had no manifesto of its own for the betterment of either their supporters or Guyanese, generally.  Army people who may have been good at that profession, but with no concept of how to run a country, were put into key positions.  Just about every act was aimed at holding on to power; spending on the army planes, helicopter and communication equipment. Energies were spent on institutional hijacking; the unilateral appointment of Patterson, breaking of the Carter formula, new ministries.  The Ministry of Communities was a hub for these “dark ops”; they had access to GECOM’s database.   It has been reported that over 50 people were on their payroll that didn’t work there.

In retrospect, were some of the ghost employees who never came to work actually working on covert projects?  Recall the 2018 gerrymandering.  The gerrymandering of 14 LGAs consisting of 229 constituencies required people and skill.  The redistricting operation resulted in a loss of 29 seats for the PPP/C, while APNU would lose not a single seat. The operation required resources and expertise from and between GECOM and The Ministry of Communities to re-draw constituency boundaries with sophisticated CRACK-AND-Pack & HATCH-A- SEAT methods. Evergreen Paradise is a good example to explain the operation.
Given the exact same vote in 2018 as 2016, the PPP/C majority in the LGAs is reduced from six (6) seats to two (2) seats. Here is the map:
The 2018 Gerrymandering of Evergreen-Paradise – Region Two (Pomeroon)

The opposition constituencies outlined in red were combined, while APNU’s constituencies outlined in green were split. Four large PPP/C constituencies were packed into two, average-sized 523 voters, while two small APNU constituencies were split into three average-sized 265 voters. As can be size of the land space and size of population were irrelevant in this rig. This is visible and numerical evidence of the 2018 operation. There are 13 more examples like this.

We picked up the thread on another front with the short video below on Cambridge Analytica’s DO SO!  Manipulation which suppressed that Black youth vote in Trinidad.
As mentioned before, our interest is to show that the wider scheme required intellectual authors behind operators like Mingo and Lowenfield.  Cambridge Analytica and other players mentioned here are only to facilitate following the chain.

Cambridge Analytica Trinidad – DO SO! Suppression of Black youth Vote

Cambridge Analytica was operational in Guyana at the time of the 2015 election.   At the same time, the newly formed GNYC was fronting a programme called, “Vote like a Boss.”
The Guyana situation is less unitarily motivated than the Trinidad situation; however, I believe that on balance, it was more to bring out the Black youth vote.  In other words, the reverse of the Trinidad operation.  But even absent that, just the contact information garnered from VlaB is a trove, as can be gleaned from the video (whether or not the actual number of members they claim to have is accurate).

Like the Facebook data breach scandal in the U.S., which toppled Cambridge Analytica in 2018, a commonality with the Guyana and Trinidad operations is sourcing voters’ contact information and data (used to determine voter attitudes and send targeted messages).

Following the dots in the Guyana case, indications are that “Vote like a Boss” was one source of voter personal information.  In the public record, Stabroek News is reported as saying in 2019 that the GNYC was trying to source an electronic voting system to facilitate their 346,320 members.
This is worrisome for two reasons.  Firstly, this is an astounding number of Guyanese voters to have at least contact information on, and if so, the ability to acquire other data.  Even the major political parties themselves do not have anywhere near that number of members. We’ve seen what uses people’s personal information can be put to.  This, therefore, begs the question: Who has access to this trove?

Secondly, here is a youth organisation trying to source e-voting that many CARICOM countries would neither want, need, nor have access to. More on this later.
Another flag is that when the Cambridge Analytica story broke in 2018, all three main political parties denied any dealings with the entity.  Astonishingly, out of the blue, the GNYC also denied any association with Cambridge Analytica.  This was a political issue, why would a youth organisation have to offer up this particular bit of enlightenment?
Furthermore, from the inception, the government of the time stated that the organisation was self-appointed, and did not represent a wide cross-section of the nation’s youth. Consequently, they opposed the organisation partnering with GECOM to bring out the youth vote.  See the four pieces below.

A MATTER OF PUBLIC RECORD
GNYC to implement internal e-voting system  – 350,000 members?

Guyana National Youth Council to implement internal e-voting system


4th local entity denies ties with Cambridge Analytica – Why?

4th local entity denies ties with Cambridge Analytica


GNYC does not represent the majority – Self-appointed Body

Guyana National Youth Council does not represent the majority – Gov’t


GNYC responds to critics of its role in stimulating youth voter-turnout

Guyana National Youth Council responds to critics of its role in stimulating youth voter-turnout

Let’s pivot now to Ramjattan. When he came out with his rantings about Russian hackers hacking Guyana’s manual election system.  Few ideas just pop out of thin air.
What was the genesis of this rant? Was he using the same playbook that their ongoing claims of electoral fraud are drawn from, this time channelling their desire to have had e-voting?  I.E using the projection game; accusing others of what they themselves are guilty of or were conspiring to do.
In 2015, the then Coalition was clamouring that Guyanese had a right to know the election results ASAP, and I believe that the talk was within 24 hours.  (Contrast those “people’s right to know” noises with the five-month world record in 2020.)

A further overlay is that the ABCs were in a different place in 2015 than they were in 2020; they were firmly supportive of calls to automate the Guyana elections.  A Canadian company brought their system in and claimed great success on a test run on UG’s student society elections.

Had they succeeded in getting an e-voting system in place for 2020, Ramjattan’s Russian hacker story may well have been enough to greenlight the full coup, rather than just the eventual settling, as it did, as the largely forgotten rantings. For all its shortcomings, a manual system has an audit trail which worked in 2020 (despite Mingo’s missing ECD documents play).

Then, of course, there is the question of who was behind other parts of the failed coup that the public are aware of, such as:
* The mysterious calls directing the Foreign Minister to throw out observers;
* Commissioner of police certifying that hundreds of voters were out of the country, until those voters started showing up and asking what was going on;
* The disappearance of the GECOM Chair for several hours;
* Attempted vote suppression, and the private-residence matter;
* The blocking of the Carter Center; and
* The whole five-month world-record saga.

Issues such as this and the dark work of the ministries need to be investigated and connected to the top.  The investigation of the election-rigging should go beyond Mingo/Lowenfield to the head(s) of the plot.  It may need delicate stewardship.

Yours sincerely,
Ron Cheong

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