MANY people have tended to write down India’s growth potential, following the slowdown in economic momentum in the last couple of years (some predicting that in 2012-13, Indonesia is likely to grow faster than India, among the world’s large emerging markets).

But this would be myopic. The Indian growth story remains robust, and the economic growth rate is likely to accelerate from 2012-13 onwards.
Before the global financial crisis of 2008, the Indian economy had been growing at well over 9 percent. The growth rate slipped to 6.7 percent in 2007-08 but recovered swiftly to 8.4 percent in 2008-09 and stayed at that level the next year as well. Since then, growth has declined, to 6.5 percent in 2011-12 and likely 6 percent in the current fiscal year that will conclude in March 2013.
You cannot blame an external observer for concluding that Indians have hobbled themselves in their rope trick gone wrong and it is better to wait and watch, if not keep off. But those who let appearance overwhelm their appreciation of the reality are likely to miss the strongest growth story of the next two decades.
The government’s announcement in September last year of a slew of reform measures, allowing foreign investment in multi-brand retail (single-brand retail had already been opened up, although with conditions that are gradually being diluted), allowing foreign airlines to invest up to 49 percent in Indian airlines, raising the foreign investment cap in insurance to 49 percent, opening up some forms of distributing telecast signals to foreign capital, etc.
Hopefully, this could well be the turning point for the economy. Not so much because these decisions in themselves break dramatic new ground, but because it signalled political decisiveness, key for India to break her shackles of policymaking inertia.
India has had minority or coalition governments continuously since 1989, except for a brief two and a half years early in the nineties. Therefore, making policy has been a function of not just reformist intent but of political management of coalitions as well. In this area, the present government had been seen as having a deficit bigger than the fiscal deficit.
But the September reforms signalled boldness: a key ally with the second largest contingent of legislators in Parliament broke off in protest at opening up retail and left the ruling coalition but the political leadership was prepared for that exit and roped in external support.
The government has been taking a number of measures that require considerable political courage. It has auctioned telecom spectrum, passed reforms to banking regulations that will allow the central bank, which also functions as the banking regulator, to issue new licences, initiated a system of direct cash transfer of subsidies and increased the prices of petroleum fuels, in order to reduce the subsidy burden on the fiscal budget. The expectation is that more reforms would be announced when the annual budget is presented on the last day of February.
While this much is evident to anyone who follows the news on India, there are a few changes in the political economy that receive little attention but have enormous significance for accelerating growth.
The most important change is that in elections to the states (India has 28 provinces with their own elected governments); the people have made it clear that they are no longer content with empty promises or mere offer of voice and identity, as they had been in the past. Leaders are expected to deliver governance and development. Those who rise to this expectation are rewarded with another term in office, and those who do not are voted out.
Politics in India has traditionally been a matter of patronage. Leaders patronised their own communities and struck alliances with one another to drum up majorities. The new political economy is forcing the same leaders to think of building expressways, new towns; forging policies for releasing land for industry and make schools teach and staff hospitals. Every major state now holds annual investor meets to draw in foreign investment.
The mass upheaval over corruption is forcing the system to adopt unprecedented transparency in the allocation of natural resources. A new mining bill in the works will adopt transparent auctions for mines.
Pressures are mounting to dilute, if not scrap, public monopoly in coal mining, which has been a major factor in the shortage of fuel that has been keeping 50,000 megawatt of power generation capacity idle in the country. A new ruling by a central appellate tribunal now ensures that every state level electricity regulator would revise power tariffs at least once every year. Refusal by these regulators to pass on the higher cost of imported coal has been one reason behind the fuel shortage in the power sector.
The good news is that India today has 50,000 megawatt of idle capacity. In the absence of enough power to supply rural areas in the daytime (power is despatched for a few hours at night so that farmers can run their pumps for irrigation) has meant that very little rural industry has been possible till now.
Once the fuel shortage has been sorted out, rural India would be ripe for structural diversification, new agro processing industry absorbing underemployed manpower and farmers gaining from new climate-controlled warehouses and better prices through local procurement by local industry for local processing. State-owned Bharat Broadband Corporation is busy rolling out fibre-optic cable to 250,000 large villages (India has a little over 600,000 villages in total).
In a couple of years’ time, most Indians would have access to high-speed data, thanks to the spread of telecom and the ongoing morphing of mobile phones into sophisticated data and computing devices, whose prices are falling at an amazing rate.
The government’s scheme to issue citizens with unique identity numbers, whose database contains matching biometric data and software to guarantee de-duplication, open bank accounts linked to these numbers for those who have never had a bank account and transfer subsidy to these accounts can revolutionise both banking and the administration of subsidy.
For example, kerosene is sold at a subsidised price through ‘fair price shops’ franchised by the government. It is estimated that 40 percent of the subsidised kerosene is diverted to adulterate higher priced diesel. If subsidy for kerosene can be transferred to intended beneficiaries as cash, using the new unique identity numbers and bank accounts, the government can end dual pricing of kerosene. The direct transfer of benefit scheme, once it stabilises after initial glitches, will both make subsidy more effective and reduce the subsidy burden. Public expenditure will become more effective, and contribute to growth.
Inflation has been running high in India, thanks essentially to food inflation. And the food groups that see sustained inflation are protein — milk, eggs, fish, meat and lentils – and vegetables and fruits. The output of these products has been growing but prices still rise thanks to growing rural prosperity, which has been driving the demand for superior foods. Poverty has been falling at close to 2 percent a year for the past five years.
But inflation has taken a toll on the external value of the rupee. And in weakness, there is always opportunity. The rupee has depreciated against the Chinese renminbi by 50 percent over the last five years. Not surprisingly, India’s manufacturing exports have been growing faster than China’s manufacturing exports over this period. India’s demographic dividend is slated to move swiftly from potential to reality. This is a growth story that offers plenty of elbowroom for foreign capital, without being dependent on it.
(T.K.  Arun is the Editor, Opinion at The Economic Times, New Delhi)