…the challenges facing Kamla’s government on second anniversary
TOMORROW, while the People’s Partnership Government (PPG) celebrates its second anniversary—despite known public divisions among constituent parts—Guyana will be completing official arrangements to celebrate, two days later, 46 years of political independence with, for the first time ever, a government lacking a parliamentary majority of one. The current parliamentary arithmetic in Guyana is unique for the governing People’s Progressive Party (PPP), following last November 28 general elections that resulted in its 32 of 65 parliamentary seats with the combined opposition coalition parties securing 33 — A Partnership for National Unity’s 26, and seven for the Alliance for Change.
And while it retained the crucial executive presidency – this time with Donald Ramotar as Head of State – that ensures political survival of even a wobbly administration in Georgetown until it’s expedient to call a new general election – the prevailing governance scenario is quite challenging for both the PPP and the opposition coalition parties of AFC and APNU.
In sharp contrast, the two-year-old administration of Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar, currently facing some serious internal cracks in her five-party PPG, has no fears of being compelled to call a snap poll.
Her United National Congress controls 21 of the PPG’s 29 seats and the official opposition People’s National Movement (PNM) 12.
However, lingering internal disagreements have degenerated into public squabblings. First, by its Congress of People (COP) partner (led by lawyer Prakash Ramadar, which has six seats); and, subsequently, with its trade unions-based Movement for Social Justice (MSJ) whose militant leader, David Abdulah, sits as a Senator.
Trinidad and Tobago has been accustomed to having governments dominated by a single party, primarily led by the PNM, and also episodic spells with one-term administrations.

CURRENT STATUS QUO
But the current political status quo seems quite similar to what previously prevailed under PNM administrations with a dominant parliamentary majority that, nevertheless, could not succeed in concealing challenging internal rifts with eventual negative results at snap national elections.
There is, of course, the unique scenario where, as the PNM, now under the post-Patrick Manning era continues to cope with its own internal challenges under the leadership of Keith Rowley, there are recurring examples of multi-layered dissension among the five-party UNC-led “partnership” government.
Not only is this evident in the leadership structure of the UNC, but is also the case in relation to the COP, whose original founder-leader, Winston Dookeran is currently focused on his portfolio responsibility as Minister of Finance and, generally, conveys the impression of a politician who has long lost his appetite for traditional parliamentary party politics.
Further, schisms continue to unravel within not just the experimental alliance of a Tobago Organisation of Parties (TOP), but with the Movement for Social Justice (MSJ) as well. The fifth “partner” is the National Joint Action Committee (NJAC) whose leader, Makandal Daaga, continues to utter statements in support of maintaining unity.
For its part, the MSJ’s real, if not decisive challenge, lies not with its leadership ability to articulate critical social, political and economic issues of national importance. It seems more about being able to identify, with credibility; an assumed mass base in popular support to become what it hankers after—a genuine labour movement-linked political party.
The fledgling MSJ cannot be aware of, for example, the bitter post-independence fate of the now defunct Workers and Farmers Party (WFP) that was launched for the 1966 general election by once political and union leadership stalwarts like CLR James, Stephen Maharaj and George Weekes.
Proteges of the iconic George Weekes, like today’s Labour Minister, Errol McLeod, and MSJ’s leader David Abdulah (who succeeded McLeod in that post), are themselves currently engaged in different approaches in dealing with the UNC-led coalition government of Prime Minister Persad-Bissessar. McLeod has already made clear that he would be addressing tomorrow’s PPG’s anniversary rally.
Let’s see how the “partnership” scores its “success” ratings at this second anniversary celebrations before further reflections on a challenging future for unity and change—including the perils to avoid before reaching mid-term by next November.
Tired and exhausted as she may be, Prime Minister and UNC leader, Persad-Bissessar, certainly gives no indications of either eager for a battle with her “partnership” coalition colleagues, or side-stepping initiatives to maintain a fragile unity that includes both COP and MSJ.
The PNM is watching and waiting, and so too the electorate of Trinidad and Tobago.