The Constitutional Commission of 1950
The advent of the mass-based political struggle in Guyana

By Tota C. Mangar
THE movement for political emancipation gained considerable momentum after the Second World War. In British Guiana, the formation of the Political Affairs Committee (PAC) in 1946 and the emergence of intense working class struggle in the form of the 1947 Bauxite Workers Strike and the 1948 Enmore Workers Strike were tangible manifestations of this development.

In 1945, Secretary of State for the Colonies, Oliver Lyttleton, conceded that ‘the declared aim of British policy is to quicken the progress of all coloured people towards the ultimate goal of self-government’.

In relation to constitutional progress, he emphasised that “an increasing measure of responsibility should be extended to the several units of the British Caribbean territories, whose political development must be pursued as an aim in itself, without prejudice and in no way subordinate to progress towards Federation.’

Influenced by this disclosure, on August 25, 1948, Theophilius Lee moved a motion in the Legislative Council for a Commission to be appointed to inquire into the desirability of making the Legislative Council a wholly elected body based on universal adult suffrage.
Persistent agitation on the constitutional front was complemented by the fact that unions were emerging under militant, progressive leadership. It was against this background that Governor Woolley announced in the Legislative Council that the Secretary of State had agreed to appoint an independent Constitutional Commission. Its terms of reference, released in October, 1950, required the body:
‘To review the franchise, the composition of the Legislative Council and the Executive Council, and any other related matters in the light of the economic and political development of the colony, and to make recommendations.’

The Commission was comprised of Sir E.J. Waddington as Chairman, Professor Vincent T. Harlow and Dr Rita Hinden. The Waddington Commission arrived in British Guiana on December 15, 1950 and commenced its work in earnest. After several sittings involving individuals and organisations, including a delegation from the Peoples Progressive Party (PPP), formed in 1950, the Commission departed the colony to prepare its final report.

The report was presented to the Labour Government on June 29, 1951. It recommended:
1. Universal adult suffrage, with all persons 21 years and over having the right to vote.

2. A Bicameral Legislature with a life of four years, comprising (a) A House of Assembly of 24 elected members and 3 ex-officio members, namely the Chief Secretary, the Attorney-General and the Financial Secretary. The House to be presided over by a Speaker appointed by the Governor from outside the Legislature.

(b) A State Council comprising nine members, six to be appointed at the discretion of the Governor, two on the recommendations of the six elected Ministers, and one appointed after consultation with the independent and minority party members.

3. There would be an Executive Council consisting of the Governor as Chairman, with a casting vote; the six elected Ministers, the three Colonial Office appointees in the House of Assembly, and a member of the State Council.

4. The Governor would hold reserve veto powers for use at his discretion in the interest of “public order, public faith and good government”.

This new Constitution was introduced via the British Guiana Order in Council of 1953. While it was an advancement over the previous one, it was promptly criticised by the architects of the incipient anti-colonial movement. Dr.Jagan argued that it was just another tactic of the British imperialists to perpetuate exploitation and maintain the old order; while Mr LFS Burnham claimed that: “It succeeded in illustrating that indeed the State is an instrument designed to maintain the dominance of the ruling class, and that there is no advance to be gained except by relentless and determined struggle.”

The die had been cast. The working people had acquired a new concept of themselves and had won the sacred right to the vote. This was the essential precondition for mass-based political mobilization, and with the General Elections of 1953 under an unpopular Constitution just around the corner, the stage was set for the enactment of a liberation struggle that would test the mettle of the people, their leaders, and the imperial power.