CCJ 'MERRY-GO-ROUND' AND ST VINCENT REFERENDUM
By Rickey Singh

Judges of the Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ). Seated from left are: Justices Rolston Nelson (T&T); Michael de la Bastide (T&T); and Duke E.E. Pollard (Guyana). Standing from left are: Justices Jacob Wit (Netherland Antilles); Desiree Bernard (Guyana); Adrian Saunders (St. Vincent and the Grenadines); and David Hayton (The UK)

This could well be seen as a case of finally putting the proverbial cat among the pigeons, setting, as it does, the political precedent for other countries of the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS), as well as Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago, to do likewise. 

Some of these countries also require either a two-thirds parliamentary majority or endorsement by a national referendum to facilitate ditching the Privy Council in favour of the CCJ.

The Vincentian parliamentary opposition New Democratic Party (NDP) of Arnhim Eustace, a former short-term Prime Minister, has already vowed to vigorously campaign against  a ‘yes’ vote at the referendum scheduled for this coming November.

For his part, Prime Minister Ralph Gonsalves, whose governing Unity Labour Party (ULP) already holds a dominant 12-3 parliamentary majority, has warned of a "spirited campaign" to win endorsement of a draft new constitution that provides for a two-thirds majority to amend entrenched constitutional provisions.

For different reasons, neither the government of Jamaica's Prime Minister Bruce Golding nor that of Trinidad and Tobago's Patrick Manning is in the mood at present to consider a referendum to endorse constitutional changes to replace the Privy Council with the CCJ -- an issue over which members of the legal profession in both countries are also in disagreement.

Trinidad and Jamaica    
In the case of Jamaica, the opposition People's National Party (PNP), which has always been supportive of the CCJ, will pose no problem whenever the Golding administration chooses to demonstrate serious interest in ending the dispensation with the Privy Council in favour of the now more than four-year-old regional court.

However, in Trinidad and Tobago, where there continues to be controversies -- some quite fierce and disturbing for a parliamentary democracy -- the government of Prime Minister Patrick Manning cannot look forward to any support from the parliamentary opposition United National Congress-Alliance (UNC-A) to have the CCJ as the country's final court of appeal.

For, even in their current bitter internal conflicts, the warring factions of the UNC-A continue to harbour deep reservations over the independence of the local judicial system and, regrettably, seem disposed to extending such concerns -- without evidence -- to the CCJ which, ironically, has its operational headquarters in Port-of-Spain. 

This scenario clearly suits Prime Minister Manning, affording him the comfort of openly lamenting the country's failure to cut ties with the Privy Council, while pursuing NO serious initiative to have the CCJ as the country's final appellate institution:  For example, in forcing opposition parties to vote for or against the CCJ, or making it a national referendum issue -- as is now being done in St. Vincent and the Grenadines. 

More than four years ago, on April 16, 2005 to be precise, the CCJ was inaugurated amid pomp and pageantry in Port-of-Spain, following settled arrangements for its service to CARICOM as a final court of appeal for participating countries, as well as serving with original jurisdiction in resolving trade disputes arising from interpretation of the Revised Treaty of Chaguaramas.

At the time of its ceremonial inauguration, Barbados and Guyana were the only two member countries no longer tied to the Privy Council, even as Trinidad and Tobago, the operational headquarter of the CCJ, continued to engage in mere platitudes about its importance. 

Today, Barbados and Guyana are still the only two CARICOM countries that are members of the CCJ, soon to be formally joined by Belize, now under the leadership of Prime Minister Dean Barrow,

Pertinent questions
Now seems a good time to ask whether it is fear of not obtaining required parliamentary majority approval or -- as is also necessary in a few cases -- the endorsement of a national referendum that stands in the way of accessing CCJ membership as their final court.

Or, is it more a case of lack of conviction by some governing political directorates to terminate an inherited colonial dependence on the Privy Council, in favour of the competence and integrity of the CCJ?

There are examples, and not only involving penalty cases, where both governing and opposition parliamentary parties have expediently referenced to prolonged vacillations in accessing CCJ membership.

In so doing, they can hardly be unaware of a preference to demonstrate more faith in the judges of a dwindling Privy Council than in the independence, competence and integrity of the judges of our regional court. 

Just recently, the CCJ made an historic ruling, in accordance with its original jurisdiction powers, in favour of the Caribbean Community in a trade dispute case involving the Trinidad Cement Limited (TCL) in the interpretation of CARICOM's Common External Tariff (CET). Both the Community Secretariat and TCL were represented by outstanding legal minds of the Caribbean. 

This is court that became a reality after the Caribbean Development Bank (CDB) had successfully fulfilled CARICOM's request to raise some US$100 million on the money market to help avoid dependence on financial allocations from governments and ensure security of its judges. 

Its critics have come to describe the CCJ as a most costly investment in relation to services provided. They cynically point to low work loads and high salaries and allowances paid to its panel of judges. Even one of its own judges was publicly scolded recently by colleagues for jocularly remarking about his feeling of being on holiday most of the time in the absence of sufficiently demanding work.

The fact is that the CCJ's workload and efficiency largely depend on the extent of its use by member countries as a court of last resort, and in having original jurisdiction in dealing with trade disputes. Many of these countries, however, continue the colonial attachment with the Privy Council while talking sweetly about its importance in the development of a West Indian jurisprudence.

Where is this creeping dictatorship that President Jagdeo is busily constructing?
‘Political mischief continues to drive lawlessness and irresponsibility in Guyana. The increasing use of mayhem to distort the work and achievements of the democratically-elected People’s Progressive Party/Civic (PPP/C) Government has long become the norm of politics in this country…’
By Prem Misir
‘Political mischief continues to drive lawlessness and irresponsibility in Guyana. The increasing use of mayhem to distort the work and achievements of the democratically-elected People’s Progressive Party/Civic (PPP/C) Government has long become the norm of politics in this country…’
POLITICAL MISCHIEF continues to drive lawlessness and irresponsibility in Guyana. The increasing use of mayhem to distort the work and achievements of the democratically-elected People’s Progressive Party/Civic (PPP/C) Government has long become the norm of politics in this country; and so, we would need to distinguish between politicians who ‘live off politics’ and politicians who ‘live for politics’. Those politicians who ‘live off politics’ are the prominent mischief-makers, heavily armed with promoting self-interests rather than the people’s interests.

And, indeed, politicians’ self-interests, not the people’s interests, have marred the political life of this nation: The constant humbug of unscrupulous demands for changes in electoral rules and systems; the relentless and selfish haggling over shared governance; the predictable election writs; unyielding bickering over constitutional reform; media distortions; the street protests; the race card, among others, are what we have come to expect during an election season. And clearly, the election season is now upon us.

‘It’s not surprising that these terms were excluded from the vernacular of the PNC regime when these very people worked within the PNC dictatorship; not unexpected, because they seem unable to distinguish between a dictatorship and a thriving democracy’

Let me say that use of the race card for some time now has turned out to be the mask for this unrelenting political mischief, especially articulated through the media. What is the reason for this mischief? Clearly, the raison d'être has to do with undermining this government and rewriting the political history of this country. But the people have the power to end this political nuisance, a political tragedy in some sense.

Dreariness, too, appears to punctuate the lives of many seeming politicians between elections; and perhaps, for them, this new emerging election season becomes the threshold for that much-needed excitement. Elections bouts are stirring times; moments when the elusive personal recognition becomes a glorious goal; and when opportunities abound for political muscle-flexing. And for what purposes? Certainly, this kind of continued political posturing can’t be good for consolidating a fragile democracy.

And we now hear from regular, or maybe ‘paid’ media letter-writers that President Bharrat Jagdeo is a ‘dictator’; that he’s busily constructing a ‘creeping dictatorship’ and an ‘elected dictatorship’, and may be ‘pleasing’ Indians. It’s not surprising that these terms were excluded from the vernacular of the PNC regime when these very people worked within the PNC dictatorship; not unexpected, because they seem unable to distinguish between a dictatorship and a thriving democracy.

The evidence clearly shows that Guyana has a parliamentary democracy in both form and content, albeit, a fragile one. This government has a built-in public opposition, presents itself for election every five years with multiparty involvement where there is an independent elections commission; where political power is not wielded by one person; where there are recognised limits to the Government’s authority; and where the government does not even come close to regulating all aspects of people’s lives. And since 1993, the U.S.-based Freedom House Survey has deemed Guyana as free, i.e., with political rights and civil liberties.

Advancing democracy requires expansion of inclusivity in governance. And constitutional amendments have now placed Guyana’s Constitution on the international stage as one of the most people-oriented in relation to inclusivity and Opposition involvement in governance.

Constitutional amendments also have furthered inclusivity, contrary to the erroneous view that this government has not amended the 1980 Constitution. Some of those amendments were:

The President’s powers were reduced, and his term of office is now limited to two. Note also the limits on the President’s powers through Articles 90, 180 and 182 of the Guyana Constitution.

And these Commissions are now in place: Ethnic Relations; Procurement; Rights of the Child; Women & Gender Equality; and Integrity. Parliamentary Sectoral Committees now review Government’s policy in the social, economic, foreign, and natural resources sectors. There are the Parliamentary Management Committee, and the Standing Committee on Constitutional Reform; this Parliamentary Committee System has membership drawn from both the Government and Opposition. Inclusivity in action; shared governance!

Earlier, inclusivity progressed through bi-partisan committees -- Local Government Reform; Border & National Security; Distribution of Land & House-lots; Resuscitation of the Bauxite Industry; Depressed Communities’ Needs; and Radio Monopoly and Non-partisan Boards. And the post of Head of the Public Service was distinguished from the post of Head of the Presidential Secretariat. In addition, PNCR, other Opposition representatives, and civil society are included on State Boards and Commissions.

This list is not exhaustive, but surely, this is a large arsenal of inclusivity; a huge reserve of shared governance in the making.

And then what is rather contemptuous, however, is the constant implied reference to the PPP/C Government as an Indian Government in quite a few of the commentaries; meaning that Africans and other ‘minority’ groups are marginalised.

These detractors never presented any evidence with scientific integrity of marginalisation of Africans or any other group. If marginalisation exists, it’s certainly not confined to only one ethnic group. And further, the claim of marginalisation sometimes is speciously equated with unemployment. I do not want to impale you with statistics here, showing that the claim of social marginalisation is dubious, as they could be easily referenced.

But both African and Indian working class people were victims of marginalisation during the PNC dictatorship (1968-1992), spouting high ethnic imbalances (see Debiprashad and Budhram’s study).

And since 1992, this perceived practice of marginalisation against Africans, if true, inevitably, would have placed them in the ranks of the social and economically-disadvantaged. People who are the victims of discrimination and marginalisation experience substantial deprivation in education, occupation, and income. But the social reality shows a different portrait for both Indians and Africans in this country. Both major ethnic groups seem to have comparable social and economic status (SES), a combined ranking on several dimensions of social inequality -- education, occupation, and income. But we need more research in this area to establish reliability.

The abundance of inclusivity certainly disavows the disingenuous arguments that Guyana’s social infrastructures execute dictatorial and racist practices. This government continues to deepen inclusivity, a process that is evolving. And the greater the inclusivity, the greater will be democracy and development. And so, where is this elected or creeping dictatorship that President Jagdeo is busily constructing?

WOMEN AND INFIDELITY: WHY?
By Dr PS Thakur
THE SUBJECT of infidelity is very sensitive, as it may arise or result from mistrust. When society talks of sacred vows and faithful partners, religious and emotional overtones become deep-rooted.

There are differences in men and women who seek extra-marital affairs. Women are more likely to seek affairs linked to romance or love, while men are more likely to be involved for the sex. While there are differences in gender behaviour, there are also sentiments. This discussion will explore the female aspect of extra-marital affairs. Many of these reasons may be applied to men who are having affairs.

It is generally opined that men, more than women, have affairs. This is especially true of cultures where the men are raised to be more macho and dominant. In such instances, the family, immediate or extended, may look the other way in cases of male infidelity.

1. LIFE CRISIS: Marriage is an act of responsibility and, therefore, maturity. There is a stress about meeting the partner’s expectations in the bedroom with family or financial matters. Where these concerns are not openly and honestly dealt with, they accumulate and may reach a breaking point. Many women are afraid to discuss these feelings for fear of disappointment; because men often treat these life events more lightly and may refuse to talk about them. Also, the lack of money or birth of a child may leave the husband in need of attention. He may go out with friends for a few drinks.

2. SEXUAL ADDICTION: This is the need to engage in sex without the romance. These are women who have low self-esteem. They see others as better off, smarter, more beautiful or all of the above. These individuals have difficulty with coping with stress; these individuals seek quick sexual adventures. The individual sees her sex act as a new high, like a sniff of cocaine. Such feelings develop in high society when they lack serious commitment, but count their success by what they ‘score’ and denying reality.

3. RETALIATORY AFFAIRS: Revenge or retaliation could be a satisfying experience. Women, more than men, are likely to have such affairs, because of the power, both physical and financial, over the women. Also, the children concept of marriage {some Roman Catholics} may not allow them to consider a divorce. This brings out helpless rage in the women. The aim is to hurt the offending partner, rather than to bring joy. They want to even the score. Men may often have a double standard, in that men can do it but women cannot.

4. TRIPOD AFFAIR: Some women stay in a marriage because of poor economic circumstances, and worry about the adverse effects of a divorce. There is need, therefore, for another, who will assist financially or socially; a friend who will provide the needed resources to keep the family going. The third leg of the tripod is to provide the extra support. The relationship may go beyond money to tenderness and sexual fulfillment. She may provide all of those in return for her own benefit. If the mate finds out, he may become enraged. In rare cases, he may look the other way, as long as the income is there, and the family is together.

5. EXPLORATORY AFFAIRS: These are not accidental but have a deliberate quality about them, whereby a relationship may be in trouble. The husband may have been sedentary, lost his job or spark of romance, while hers is still alive. She may find an alternative {a friend} at work; a family friend; or even on the Internet. She may even rationalise that she needs to put some spark in her love life or catch-up on what she was missing. She may come to realise that a new relationship was not what she was seeking. The thought of children and an extended family may make her feel guilty. Such cases are not unusual, and are even discussed with close family members or very close friends.

6. ENTITLEMENT: Since the sex revolution of the 1960s and 1970s, women feel more liberated to have lunch with a male colleague and do not think much of it. Women in such a relationship are of often happily married – some 33 per cent of them; men 55%. A romance may be perceived as having nothing to do with sex. This may not be the perception of the husband, especially the jealous, insecure one. Women may feel that they are entitled to attention from their husbands, who, in turn, may see his role as a provider and not the modern husband. For this, she should be grateful.

7. SEXUAL IDENTITY: During adolescence, there is a feeling of attraction to the opposite or same sex. Where there is a same-sex attraction, this may lead to guilt or anxiety. What is difficult here is that the feeling is kept hidden and she refuses to discuss it with anyone. Some women get married to escape a poor family life. This attachment or ‘love’ is not based on love, but an emotional dependency, seeking independence. She may have become attached because of his attention, lavish gifts, etc. He may recognise this and take advantage of it. He has ‘conquered’ her; he can go on with his quest. She will find company in other women or men; not necessarily for sex, but for the companionship. Deep inside of her, the new woman will emerge.

8. MIDLIFE CRISIS: Women, during menopause, may be more sexually aroused because there is no fear of pregnancy, and because the children are grown up and have probably left home {the empty nest syndrome}. The husband, in the meantime, has his own mid-life crisis: Working out to look younger, new suit, hair colour, new car, etc. If the wife does not attend to this and match him, she may loose him: Attention from younger female workers, a secretary, etc. Besides, these women see these middle-aged men as having more (corporate) power, more money, and being more desirable.

9. EXIT AFFAIR: This is the last fling before the divorce. The women may know; the man may not; but she feels little guilt, because she has already made up her mind. In discussion of the family problem, the husband will present a list of complaints, attempting to rationalise why events could be better, and why he has tried so hard. Silently, she laughs. She may even admit the affair. This last-fling may be a part of retaliation or other causes of affairs.

The subject of extra-marital affairs in men and women has been in the literature for centuries. It has now become more open. There is a club of women who are in favour of affairs, because they are treated much better than wives, in terms of kindness and gifts. These women argue that they can leave at anytime, and they will not be hurt by extra-marital affairs. Throughout history, and in most cultures, extra-marital affairs are a fact of life.

The Culture of Prosperity and Wealth Creation
By Randy Persaud
NOT SO LONG ago Professor David Held of the London School of Economics made the following observation: “In 1960, the income of the richest 20 per cent of the world’s people stood at about thirty times that of the poorest 20 per cent; by 1997, the corresponding multiple was seventy-four.” (Held 2004: 45) The gap between rich and poor had actually widened through the development decades. Held also noted that this gap is growing. Thus, by 2004, “…the richest 5 per cent of the world’s people [had] incomes 114 times those of the poorest 5 per cent; and the richest 1 per cent received as much income each year as the poorest 57 per cent.” (Held: 2004: 45)

There should be no doubt that there are grave economic injustices in the world. A situation in which 250 people own and control more wealth than the bottom 2.5 billion people in the world is unsustainable. More than that, the massive structural inequality that exists worldwide cries out for urgent redress. The big question is: What should be the appropriate mix of economic strategies, tools, and policies to bring about the desired income.

I have enormous ‘sympathy’ for those who argue that globalsation is nothing other than unfettered global capitalism, and that the new world economy is increasingly based on a kind of speculative just-in-time profiteering. The British political economist, Susan Strange went so far as to call the new global process of accumulation casino capitalism.

The call for solutions has produced ongoing debates. Much of this debate, however, has elided the role of culture, and this is something I wish to address. President Jagdeo has himself called for a new way of doing things in Guyana. Although he has not called for a revolution in culture per se, his vision entails a much sharper focus on productivity, enterprise, and innovation. Without these latter, the path to development will be stultified.

The Argentine scholar, Marino Grondona is among one of the few who has systematically dealt with culture and economic development. His work is, therefore, worthy of careful consideration. Grondona produced a cultural typology of economic development in an attempt to delineate those cultural habits and practices that are conducive to wealth creation from those that act as fetters on prosperity.

Grondona draws a distinction between two kinds of cultural values, namely, intrinsic and instrumental. Intrinsic values are those that are deeply embedded in the worldview of a cultural system. They form the basic template of the dominant meaning-making mechanism. On the other hand, “a value is instrumental when we support it because it is directly beneficial to us.” (Grondona: 2000)

“All economic values are instrumental,” he argues. But this is exactly the problem. If we are driven only by an instrumental economic logic, then once economic success is achieved, the momentum for sustained development would be gone. Another way of putting this is that once you have money, you may turn to consumption rather than further investment. When this happens, innovation and, ultimately, productivity and efficiency fall off. Or similarly, if you are simply driven by ‘more money’, once you have what is socially respectable, you may feel comfortable enough and ‘ease up working’. Again, productivity falls off.

For sustained economic development to occur, instrumental economic values must become intrinsic values within the cultural system. In the context of Guyana, this would take a major transformation.

It might be helpful to compare various attitudes that are, on the one hand, present in development- resistant cultures, and on the other hand, development-friendly cultures. Below is an adaptation from Grondana’s schema. This is not a template, nor is it intended to be conclusive. The purpose of the exercise is to put some ideas on the table to facilitate constructive debate about the future.

Cultural matters are always difficult to discuss. This is especially so because we all believe that our own national culture is interesting and exciting. In the western world, the major cultural planks are work, individual achievement, and patriotism. I myself consider the last of these the product of State-induced hegemonisation. The big question is this: What are the major cultural attributes in our part of the world? Are these attributes and the corresponding attitudes conducive to economic, social, and cultural development? If they are not, are we prepared to make some adjustments?

I began this article with a depressing description of the situation that obtains in the world. I also raised questions about our future direction. In a recent conversation on the future at Lilendaal, the President advanced a framework with three critical components, namely: Wealth creation, wealth distribution, and justice. The President was keen on pointing out that we need to make some changes in Guyana. He was emphatic that the engine of prosperity lies in increased productivity. His own vision brings to mind a telling comment from Professor Porter of Harvard University. Porter wrote that “ [i]t does not matter if a country has an agricultural economy, a service economy, or a manufacturing economy. What does matter is a country’s ability to organise itself effectively around the premise that productivity determines prosperity for the individuals of that country.”

Leftist Triumph in Samoa
By Gwynne Dyer
AT LAST! The tide has turned! After centuries of huge advances by the rightists, those who drive on the left finally have a victory to celebrate. On September 7, Samoa will stop driving on the right and start driving on the left. Naturally, those who oppose the change are predicting disaster.

So we just wake up one morning and pull out of our driveways onto the other side of the road, do we?” says Tole’afoa Solomona Toa’iloa, who heads People Against Switching Sides (PASS). “Cars are going to crash; people are going to die; not to mention the huge expense to our small country.”

But Prime Minister Tuilaepa Aiono Sailele Malielegaoi is not impressed. “All this talk about accidents is just stupid. The 7th and the 8th are holidays to help people get used to it, and after that, they’ll be driving more carefully than ever, because it will be so different.” All the nearby islands, except American Samoa, drive left, he points out, and it’s cheaper to import cars from Australia, New Zealand and Japan (which drive on the left) than from the United States.

It’s much ado about nothing; I switch back and forth several dozen times a year. My work takes me to both sides of the road, and my family connections divide right down the middle: Canada right, Britain left, France right, South Africa left, and Argentina both (left until 1946, right since then). If the steering wheel is on the left side of the car, you drive on the right side of the road, and vice versa. A monkey could do it.

Nevertheless, this is a big deal: The first time any country has switched sides since Burma swung right in 1970 (which made very little sense, since most of the countries around it drive on the left, but General Ne Win’s soothsayer told him to do it). And NOBODY has switched from right to left in living memory.

The rightists won because the United States won; and the year of victory was 1946. That was when the U.S. embassy in Beijing threw a party to celebrate the Nationalist Chinese government’s decision that China would drive on the right. (Previously, most of northern China had driven right, while southern China drove left.) In the same year, the project for a Pan-American Highway persuaded the last left-driving hold-outs among the Latin American countries to switch.

Only one-third of the world’s 6.7 billion people live in countries that still drive left. That is not likely to change much now, for once you start building high-speed, controlled-access highways, all the concrete you have poured locks you into your existing choice.

How did we end up split like this? There is plenty of historical evidence for both sides. Deeply rutted tracks on one side of an old road from a quarry used in Roman times in England, and shallower ruts on the other side support the hypothesis that the Romans drove on the left, for example -- but the evidence from other Roman roads in Turkey argues exactly the opposite.

The real answer, probably, is that there was so little long-distance road traffic, that you didn’t need uniformity. Some bits of the empire drove left, and other parts right; who cared?

Indeed, the same situation still pertained in 19th Century Europe. Both Spain and Italy, for example, had a patchwork quilt of local rules. However, most places that had been conquered by Napoleon drove right, while those that had escaped French occupation mostly drove left (Britain, Russia, Portugal, the Austro-Hungarian Empire).

It’s all over in Europe now. The Bolsheviks took Russia to the right after the First World War (on the roads, at least). Mussolini made all the Italians drive right, and the Spaniards and Portuguese changed over in the 1920s. Hitler forced the remnants of the Austro-Hungarian Empire (Austria, Hungary, Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia) to drive right in the late 1930s, and Sweden and Iceland finally switched in the late 1960s.

And then there’s Canada. Part of it (Quebec west to the Rockies) used to belong to the French Empire, while the rest (the Maritimes in the east, and British Columbia in the west) was British more or less from the start. So the central provinces drove on the right, while the extremities drove on the left.

The latter switched to the right in 1922-23 -- but my own native country, Newfoundland, only joined Canada in 1949, so it didn’t switch from left to right until 1947. There is a story about how they eased the transition there, however, that may be of assistance to those anxious Samoans.

Newfoundlanders, in the Child’s Garden of Canadian Stereotypes, fill the same role as the Laz in Turkey, Karelians in Finland, or Tasmanians in Australia. In just the same way, there are hundreds of ‘Newfie’ jokes about how stunned we are. We laugh and go along with the joke, and then later, at night, we sneak in and strangle their offspring.

The story is that the Newfoundland government was worried about how its people would handle the switch from left to right, until one minister solved the problem. “Let them get used to it a bit at a time,” he said. “The people whose names start with A to D can switch on Monday; E to K will switch on Tuesday...”

(Gwynne Dyer is a London-based in dependent journalist)

CARIBBEAN PERSPECTIVES
A monthly focus on Caribbean issues
Initiatives to bolster Caribbean tourism industry
By Sandra Baptiste
THE BARBADOS-based Caribbean Tourism Organisation (CTO) is gearing up to launch the initial phase of a brand new marketing programme designed to increase the visibility of Caribbean tourism destinations, and maintain the region’s competitiveness in the face of drastic changes in consumer spending.

The new CTO marketing campaign will be financed from a regional fund that has a target of US$60 million. Some of CTO’s 33 member countries will make a direct contribution, while others are likely to pay for their share of the programme by introducing a surcharge on airline tickets for travel to the Caribbean originating outside the region.

In addition to raising funds from its members, cruise lines, which have a vested interest in sustaining the Caribbean tourism industry, are likely to contribute to the Caribbean regional marketing programme that will be implemented in phases as contributions come in.

CTO Secretary-General, Hugh Riley believes that in the current global economic downturn, “it is critical to keep… our core constituents confident in our brand.”

Riley notes that consumers shop and buy differently in a recession. The CTO has therefore tuned in to the new social media, using Facebook, Twitter, YouTube and blogging to promote the Caribbean tourism product.

With consumers looking for added value, Caribbean tourism destinations have been offering a night free, kids free and free water sports to lure tourists. The reduced spending power of American and European visitors have seen them booking last-minute and opting for the lower airfares and deep hotel discounts.

Several CARICOM Member States experienced double-digit declines in visitors from the main United States market for the first five to six months of this year, compared with the same period in 2008. American visitor arrivals were down in St. Vincent and the Grenadines (18%), St. Lucia (17.7%), Barbados (16%) and The Bahamas (14.9 %). Curacao (32.3 %) and Bermuda (25.8%) also experienced a significant drop in the number of U.S. visitors.

Fewer European tourists came to the region over the same period. Notable declines were recorded in Grenada (16.7%), Antigua and Barbuda (15.3%), St. Lucia (12.5%), St. Vincent and the Grenadines (12.2%), The Cayman Islands (10.9%), Barbados (9.7%) and The Bahamas (9.6%).

The Bahamas tourism industry has been dealt a severe blow by the global recession, with a few established properties closing their doors, and layoffs have been mounting. Government measures to cushion the impact include tax reductions, expansion of infrastructure, and aggressive marketing. The island did receive a huge PR boost with the hosting of the recent Miss Universe Pageant.

Many Caribbean tourism destinations saw a significant boost in Canadian visitors, including Jamaica (28.7%), St. Lucia (20%) Barbados (17.7%), and Grenada (16.3%). Industry experts feel that in Canada, the recession has not had the same bite as in the U.S. and European markets.

The CTO Secretary-General believes Canadian confidence in the Caribbean tourism product has not wavered much, and an increase in airlift to the region has also stimulated travel. Former President of the Caribbean Hotel and Tourism Association (CHTA), Peter Odle, who is Managing Director of Mango Bay hotel in Barbados, points to the new competitive fares from Canadian airlines, WestJet and Air Canada, and an increase in seats.

Guyana was one of the few destinations to record increases in arrivals from the U.S. market (11.1%), and an overall increase in total arrivals (13.8%) for the first half of this year, compared with the same period in 2008.

Jamaica registered close to a 20 per cent falloff in cruise ship arrivals, while some of the Eastern Caribbean tourism destinations experienced sizeable increases, notably Antigua and Barbuda, St. Vincent and the Grenadines and Grenada.

To minimise the impact of the global economic crisis on the key foreign exchange earning tourism industry, several Caribbean destinations put in place ‘stimulus packages’.

The Barbados Government allocated US$7.5 million to assist with the cash flow of properties and sustain employment in the hospitality industry; over three dozen properties took advantage of this programme.

A second tranche of US$5 million will be made available by the end of September, but this time, eligibility will be linked to hotels and restaurants that were able to sustain employment. President of the Barbados Hotel and Tourism Association (BHTA), Wayne Capaldi puts occupancy so far this year at between 16 and 60 per cent, with most properties registering around 40 per cent.

The BHTA is grateful for government’s financial support, and is cognisant of its tight fiscal situation. But it is disappointed that there has been no further dialogue on its proposals to lower the duties on 20 of the most commonly used food items in the industry, and for a programme to provide relief if electricity costs soar, something which St. Vincent and the Grenadines has done.

The Barbados ‘Staycations’, promoted to encourage locals to spend their holidays in the island and take advantage of special cost-saving packages, was hugely successful, and will be continued on an annual basis.

Odle, a tourism industry veteran, notes that Barbadian hotels really began to feel the pinch of reduced tourism traffic to the island in the second quarter of this year. He is cautiously optimistic about the 2010 winter, partly because of 60, 000 additional seats being made available by various airlines, including new ones.

The BHTA’s Capaldi, who runs the 47-room Sandpiper hotel, shares this outlook, hoping for “a return to reasonable levels of business.”

Jamaica hoteliers have also benefitted from Government assistance in the form of a concessional loan scheme, tax reductions, and an increased marketing budget.

Tourism Minister, Edmund Bartlett announced that cash support to the sector to the tune of US$7.1 million, through the stimulus package ending in September, has helped to ease cash flow problems, and has met its goal of sustaining jobs and maintaining growth.

However, the Jamaica Hotel and Tourism Association (JHTA) wants to see the stimulus measures, specifically the 50 per cent reduction in the General Consumption tax, maintained until December.

Even though the CTO regards the Caribbean travel market as still vulnerable, because of economic indicators that the recession is bottoming out, it forecasts that the upcoming winter season will be somewhat better than anticipated.

The CTO recently took a high-level delegation to the United States to lobby the U.S. administration on key issues affecting the region’s tourism industry.

Caribbean governments are calling for U.S. Customs and Immigration Pre-Clearance operations in the region.

CARICOM officials who participated in the Washington meetings say they have also proposed measures to reduce the cost of travel to the Caribbean, and to significantly increase the duty-free allowance for U.S. tourists visiting the Caribbean, moves they believe would enhance the region’s competitive position.

Understandably, the CTO will not be hosting its traditional annual Caribbean Tourism Conference (CTC) this year. It is focusing its resources and energies on smaller business meetings in October, in collaboration with industry partners, which will take stock and focus on initiatives to support its members through these challenging economic times.

(The author is a business consultant and specialist in Caribbean Affairs)

Construction corner…
The 'lowdown' on putting a plan together
By Wendella Davidson
DECIDING ON the design of your dream home can be quite an exhilarating exercise, especially if you are someone with an eye for detail and fashion.

You may find yourself having a lot of clutter, in the form of sheets of paper, as what ever so often happens is that as fast as a new design idea comes to mind, the previous sketch you thought was the final draft is discarded and another takes its place.

Then, too, there may be these ‘agree-to-disagree’ discussions between you and your better half, if you have one, or with family members or a very close friend, which can very well influence the direction the design of the house may take.

Whichever way you look at it, a final decision has to be made in the putting together of a professional building plan.

There is, however, nothing wrong with learning a few tricks-of-the-trade when coming to building plans, paying keen attention to the specifics it must contain.

Building plans must be drawn to a scale of either 1:100 (⅛-inch to 1 ft), or 1:50 (¼-inch to 1 ft). All plans accompanying applications shall be scaled to print on one of the following paper sizes:

1. A1 (841mm x 594mm)/(31” x 23.5”)
2. A2 (594mm x 420mm)/(23.5” x 16.5”)
3. A3 (420mm x 297mm)/(16.5” x 11.75”)
4. A0 (1189mm x 841mm)/(47” x 33”)

Plans submitted must include the following information:

1. The scale of the drawings;
2. An individual reference number;
3. The date when the plan was drawn;
4. The name and address of the designer;
5. The name and address of the person on whose behalf the plan was drawn;
6. Direction (north/south arrow)
7. The boundaries of the lot for which planning permission is sought, should also be indicated.

All building plans must comprise of site, floor and elevations plans.

SITE PLAN
A fully dimensional site plan should show the following information:

1. The proposed location of all existing buildings;

2. The location of existing buildings to be demolished, or where additions are to be made;

3. The existing and proposed building set-back distance from all property boundaries;

4. The size of the existing and proposed building(s);

5. Existing and proposed site drainage and sewage disposal system for major developments;

6. Provision for parking and circulation, loading and unloading facilities for non-residential buildings;

7. Direction (north/south arrow);

8. Existing and proposed access to site;

9. Name of street adjacent to which building(s) is/are to be erected.

10. The scale of the site plan, which must be 1:200 (1/16-inch to 1 ft)

11. Cesspit, latrine, septic tanks, soak away etc and other means of sewage treatment or disposal.

FLOOR PLANS
1. Layout of the proposed rooms or other enclosed areas;

2. Dimension and use of each room and areas;

3. Existing and proposed uses of rooms and spaces of the existing and proposed building;

4. Type of material intended to be used; and

5. Proposed extension in red colours.

ELEVATIONS
1. Elevations showing facing materials to be used;

2. Height of building from ground floor to top of roof;

3. Any building or part of building which is proposed to be demolished; and

4. Floor level, plate level must be indicated.

CRITERIA FOR THE ASSESSMENT OF PLANNING APPLICATIONS
Considerations by the authority include:

1. Conformity to existing by-laws, zoning plans or any other policy approved by CHPA, and

2. Conformity to known planning principles and practice to determine suitability of the proposed site for the intended use.

3. Further, before making an analysis of development plans, a site inspection must be done. Site inspections are sometimes carried out jointly by the various government agencies as the Authority thinks fit. During site visits, the public is consulted to give their input on the suitability of the development at the site. If there are issues to be clarified or discussed pertaining to certain aspects of the development proposal, the developer is called in for discussion and/or negotiations. Based upon the outcome of the consultation with the developer, the proposal/building plans are returned to the local authority for amendments.

4. An application cannot be approved if it does not comply with the planning criteria. If the application does not meet the criteria set out in the by-laws or statutory plans, the Planning Authority may consider asking for an amendment to them, so that the modus operandi of the proposed development is embodied in the proposal.

5. If the plans/application meet(s) the planning criteria, the next step is evaluation of the site characteristics for consideration by the CHPA Board.

6. In cases where the application is for development involving the subdivision of land into lots, assessment will be done with regard to input on planning design requirements and standards.

PUBLIC CONSULTATION/PARTICIPATION
For applications for major developments, or for those that may have significant impact on the surrounding area, residents are usually consulted by way of questionnaire surveys to solicit their comments/concerns, etc.

In certain cases, the Authority would hold joint public consultation meetings with other agencies, such as the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA).

DECISIONS OF THE CH&PA BOARD ON APPLICATIONS
1. The Authority may approve, refuse or defer an application. The Authority may also include a variety of conditions as it think fit.

2. If an application is refused, the planning authority must provide reasons for the refusal. An applicant may appeal any planning refusal, or any application containing unacceptable conditions.

3. Once the Board decided on an application, the CHPA dispatched letters of decision to applicants.

4. Building applications are then returned to the Local Authority and land subdivision to the Central Board of Health.

5. Outline Planning and Change of Use applications are directly uplifted from the CHPA.

FINAL CONDITIONS AFTER THE APPROVAL
The planning approval is valid for a period of two years. During that time, all conditions must be met. If they cannot be met, the applicant can make contact with the planning authority and request an extension prior to the one-year lapsing.

Extensions are discretionary, and may not always be granted. If during the two-year period the developer wishes to discontinue the development, or amend the proposal, he may do so by making contact with the Authority.

The Authority may grant, refuse or place conditions on permission.