Ministry looks to improving performance in Maths
Poor performance in Mathematics is a problem in learning institutions worldwide, and it is believed that this is due mainly that the subject is not taught properly.

This is the view of Guyanese-born Associate Professor of Georgia State University Dr. Pier Junor Clarke, who recently conducted a three day workshop for 16 top secondary school Mathematics teachers across the country at the National Centre for Educational Research Development (NCERD).

Reflecting on the non-graduate certificate course, Dr. Clarke said some of the areas that were reviewed during the exercise included students’ weak areas, content knowledge, class room management and delivery and parental involvement.

The Associate Professor, who is the coordinator of a teachers’ training programme at the top US University, told the media at a press briefing at NCERD that even abroad, imparting the subject is problem because teachers experience great difficulty narrowing the gap between knowing the subject and conveying it to their students.

She recommended that teachers should strive to understand their students’ weak areas, and devise innovative ways to address them in order to improve performance and at the same time make the transition a fun process.

The outstanding educator pointed out that in an effort to address the problem here, an interactive model was proposed and some time in the near future other experts from the US will be conducting similar upgrading programmes here.

The mathematician lauded the initiatives undertaken by the Ministry of Education to promote literacy and numeracy both at the primary and secondary levels and disclosed that at her second workshop in May next year, teachers will be exposed to integrating technologies such as the TI 83 + calculator, mathematics website and data base website in their delivery.

NCERD Director, Mr. Mohandatt Goolsarran, said a booklet complied during the workshop will be distributed to all schools and will supplement other similar programmes to address students’ unsatisfactory performance.

These initiatives include a 60 part series Caribbean Secondary Examination Certificate (CSEC) programme that is broadcast on the National Communication Network Inc. (NCN) and an 18 month upgrading programme for mathematics teachers in the hinterland regions, using the distance mode of delivery.

Mr. Goolsarran stressed that these programmes are coordinated by NCERD and are part of a series that includes English, Science, Physics and Biology.

At the primary level, he noted NCERD has introduced a Radio Interactive Programme (IRI) which utilises an edutainment approach in the delivery of content, and recently the Ministry of Education launched a $115M anti-illiteracy programme targeting chiefly slow learners at the primary level, and catering also for out of school youth and young adults.

In addition, the Ministry of Education intends to double the amount of trained teachers in the school system to better address not only the inadequate performance in Mathematics, but also in English, and the sciences.

This is envisioned in the ministry’s five year strategic plan for 2007-2012 which also seeks to achieve universal secondary education within that time frame.

CARIFESTA VIEWS
WITH the Caribbean Festival of the Creative Arts (CARIFESTA X) almost upon us, we thought we’d ask the man-in-the-street what they thought of the August (pardon the pun) event, bearing in mind that it purposes to bring together writers, artistes, musicians, dancers, poets and other creative souls from more than 30 countries across the Caribbean, Latin American and further afield under the theme “One Caribbean, One Purpose, One Culture, One Life.”

The following is what the few persons we were able to elicit a comment from had to say on the matter:

TOUGH OPTIONS FOR TWO PMs                                  
- Jamaica's Golding, St. Lucia's King 
By Rickey Singh
WHILE JAMAICANS are currently pondering the likelihood of either a snap general election or a series of by-elections, as a consequence of the controversies sparked by the dual citizenship held by some parliamentarians, down in the Eastern Caribbean, St. Lucians are speculating about the survival of Prime Minister Stehenson King's government that seems to be on the verge of collapse.

Prime Minister Bruce Golding, whose Jamaica Labour Party (JLP) has been in government for just 10 months now--after 18 years as the parliamentary opposition--is trying hard to keep cool as he faces the prospect of either of the two electoral options.

Both options would be quite challenging for an administration with a four-seat parliamentary majority, based on an overall plurality of votes of less than one percent than that secured by then incumbent People's National Party.

Jamaica, after all, unfortunately remains a nation still very much plagued by murders and criminal violence; poverty and joblessness among youth, and bearing the burden as one of the world's fourth most debt-ridden countries. Governance here is a massive challenge.

Yet, for Golding's St. Lucian counterpart, King, the options to remain as Prime Minister appear more daunting. Unlike Golding, King faces both a serious threat to his leadership from growing internal rebellion in the United Workers Party and, worse, the strong likelihood of the party's defeat at an unavoidable snap general election.

This is a punishment an incumbent JLP could possibly escape, as the PNP battles its own political demons since losing state power. It is, however, doubtful that either of these traditional electoral thoroughbreds is really in the mood for either a series of by-elections or a snap national poll.

Hence, the current dialogue between their representatives to find an imaginative and practical formula to addressing a shared problem of the dual nationalities held by some MPs, sitting uncomfortably since a court ruling disqualified JLP's Daryl Vaz, on a motion by the PNP's Abe Dabdoub, and a by-election ordered for the West Portland constituency.

Across in St. Lucia, time may be running out for Prime Minister King who has won some respite for a few days, having pleaded with his eleven UWP parliamentarians in the 17-member House of Assembly to allow him to host the 47th regular summit of Heads of Government of the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS) before resuming efforts to promote "an amicable resolution" to their sharp differences.

The OECS summit, which started in Castries on Friday, was scheduled to conclude yesterday. However, come tomorrow, expect a resumption of the open battle of words as UWP parliamentarians, opposed to King's leadership of the party and government, press their demands against him.

For a start, the dismissal of Economic Affairs and Planning Minister Ausbert D'Auvergne, which he has been resisting since last year.

Coincidentally, on this demand the dissident MPs are at one with the opposition St. Lucia Labour Party (SLP) of former Prime Minister Kenny Anthony, in challenging D'Auvergne's "suitability" for such a position, plus the "influence he wields" in contrast to his track record in management as a private citizen.

Having earlier failed to secure King's reinstatement of MP Rufus Bousquet as Foreign Minister--a portfolio revoked at the request of a then ailing UWP leader and Prime Minister, Sir John Compton, (who has since passed away); the pressure is mounting for dismissal of the Economic Affairs and Planning Minister or, alternatively, the resignation of King as head of government.

He has been resisting doing either and in a broadcast to the nation late on Tuesday night, King failed to indicate the steps he plans to pursue to achieve his declared anxiety for "an amicable resolution".

SLP's stand: As King was preparing for the two-day OECS Summit, Opposition Leader Anthony, whose SLP was defeated at the December 2006 general election after two consecutive terms, declared in a press statement in which he accused the Prime Minister of "abusing the patience and goodwill of St. Lucians" that:

"It is clear that the crisis facing the country is totally beyond the capacity of the Prime Minister to resolve...The SLP has given the government time to resolve its problems. So too have the people of St. Lucia. They have been tolerant, patient and understanding...

"If", added Anthony, "Prime Minister King is concerned about this country, then he must act responsibly and do the right thing: He must advise the Governor General to dissolve the House of Assembly to allow the people of St. Lucia to decide their future..."

There was no indication to suggest, at the time of writing, that King is disposed to either handing over leadership of government to any of his four best known opponents in his administration, or dismiss the Economic Affairs and Planning Minister.

The quartet of fierce critics comprises the UWP's deputy leader Leonard Montoute (Minister of Public Service and Sports); Housing Minister Richard Frederick; former Deputy Speaker Marcus Nicholas, and Rufus Bousquet. King views Bousquet as the principal "ring leader" to his current woes.

Bousquet and Nicholas have already formally notified the Governor General of their withdrawal of support for King as Prime Minister and plan to sit as "Independents" when the House meets again, effectively leaving the government with a one-seat majority for any crucial vote.

Uneasy, they say, is the head that wears the crown. Well, for different reasons and in different circumstances, two CARICOM Heads (of government)--Prime Ministers Golding and King can hardly be at ease at this time in facing up to the pressures of domestic politics.

It may be risky at this stage to predict with any certainty the likely outcomes of the different challenges facing Golding and King to sustain their respective administration. Firm action to deal with the current pressures is now unavoidable--whatever form they take.

In the case of Jamaica Prime Minister, Golding has to succeed in reaching a mutually satisfactory solution with the PNP on the dual citizenship problem. Perhaps by common approaches to deal with coming by-elections (more than three?).

While in St. Lucia, Prime Minister King may finally have to part company with Economic and Planning Minister D'Auvergne, to placate his group of dissident colleagues as he plays for as much time as possible to hold the reins of state power and party leadership he inherited from the late political veteran, Sir John Compton, on September 9 last year---six days after Golding's JLP poll victory.   

Loyalty and Change – The Race
By Keith Burrowes
ALTHOUGH this week's article is focused largely on American Democratic presidential candidate, Barack Obama, I have to begin by conceding defeat to a Clinton - young businessman, Clinton Urling.  Earlier this year, when the race was much more open than it is at present, Urling was already calling it for Obama in letters to the press.   

Despite the fact that his candidate of choice didn’t seem likely to win the majority of votes that would cement his place as the Democratic candidate to run against John McCain, it has become increasingly safe to assume that it is Obama who will be taking on the Republican nominee in the race to replace George Bush Jr. 

Now, I have always been a Hillary Clinton supporter, attracted primarily by what I have seen to be her genuine concern for health care and the fate of America's blue collar workers – this is something that has been characteristic of her public activism even before her senatorial campaign, and long before her presidential campaign. 

My fundamental support for Clinton remains constant primarily because her core policies regarding key issues basically remain unchanged. This is despite the fact that she has been receiving a fair amount of flack for what have been construed as unfair attacks.

What I've observed in many people I know who have formerly been strong Clinton supporters like me is a sudden migration to the Obama camp.  Several of them have cited Obama's policies, particularly his international outlook.  Others have been attracted by his personal charisma and his unwillingness to be bogged down by or drawn into the vicious sort of behaviour that has been typical of U.S. presidential races.

However, too many can find no other reason for their change other than Obama's race.  I believe that it is an illogical formula for determining which candidate to support by weighing Clinton's policies against Obama's 'blackness'.  That sort of tribalism in politics goes against the basic tenets that democracy supposedly stands for.  I think every Guyanese is aware of the dangers faced by ethnic-based politics.

Notwithstanding my Clintonite leanings, I do acknowledge the attraction that people have for Obama, an attraction that goes beyond racial solidarity.  I was watching a televised rally held by Obama which was attended by an estimated 78,000 people and I could have virtually counted all the non-White faces in that ground.

I believe that Americans, or probably at this stage American democrats, need to be congratulated on the candidates vying for the right to contest the elections for the Democratic party.  While Americans have rightly been proud of their many civic freedoms over the past few decades, American acceptance of who is eligible for the Presidency has been fairly narrow.  It has usually been the choice between one White Anglo Saxon Protestant male and another.   

Today there is a white woman running against a minority male for the chance to run against a more 'traditional candidate', and with a strong possibility of winning at that!

Now comes the big IF.  If Obama wins the Presidency of the United States, what happens next?  The one central message of his campaign has been that he is representative of change.  Indeed, his campaign, for example, has been marked by a serious departure from the normally combative tendency of American politics as a whole.  Both McCain and Clinton have attacked Obama on what he has not done, which sounds fairly more hollow than his pointing at their track records as evidence to show how they have contributed to where American has gone wrong, particularly on the very contentious issue of the war in Iraq. For example, Obama recently highlighted John McCain's previously vocal opposition to lobbyists, and his hiring of several lobbyists in the top echelons of his campaign. 

But how seriously can Obama really initiate change if he actually gains the Presidency?  I have seen far too many global leaders who have gone into office with the sincere intention of revolutionizing the current systems, just to be faced with a huge reality check. 

Obama as President is expected to find a Washington where the bulk of business being done is through the machinations of the various lobbying groups.  While he has undoubtedly avoided dealing with the notorious and influential group as a Senator, it is doubtful that his tenure as President can be truly effective without some compromises with some lobbyists.  Then there is of course the "military-industrial" complex – Obama in the age of global terrorism will have to prove harder than most that he, while more prone to pacifism, is still willing to preserve and enhance the status quo when it comes to America's military might.

Barack Obama as President will surely face greater obstacles than either of his two competitors for the Presidency.  What he has done defies both conventional wisdom as well as his critics with his "audacity of hope."

Whatever the outcome, outside of Obama's recent apparent trademark on the word , what is good is that a real change has been taking place in American politics and a change in the American political arena usually means a change in the fortunes of the world.

PERSPECTIVE
RACIAL PARTICIPATION TRENDS IN THE RULING PNC YEARS
BY PREM MISIR
Last week, I showed the following:

(1) White colonials dominated the higher echelons of the Public Service, with Coloureds, Africans, and Indians at the bottom of that hierarchy. And compared to other ethnics, Indians carried the lowest hierarchical status in the colonial public service.

(2) East Indians were under-represented at both the top and bottom echelons of the bureaucracy.

(3) Most of the Public Service positions attracted an urban-based population before 1953, and so the groups most likely to absorb these positions were Africans and Coloureds. Africans and Coloureds were predominantly concentrated in Georgetown and New Amsterdam, the main urban centres.

(4) The race and ethnicity factor cannot convincingly explain the greater numbers of Africans in the colonial bureaucracy.

(5) After the PPP split in 1955, Africans were still more favourably placed than Indians in governmental agencies.

(6) Burnham noted that the rapid development of education among Indians and their occupational penetration into the traditional preserves of Africans, made it inevitable that Indians would constitute a threat to Africans; and that Africans should protect their vested interest.

(7) The International Commission of Jurists’ recommendations were that Indians should be recruited at a greater rate than Africans until an acceptable ethnic balance was reached. The PNC Government during its 28 years failed to correct this imbalance.

And so today, using Debiprashad and Budhram cross-sectional study of the 1970s, we will show the participation levels of various ethnic groups during the ruling PNC era; especially so, as the State then controlled employment in excess of 50% by 1978 from 21.4% in 1970.

Table 1: Public Service-Senior Administrative and Executive Ranks

Source: Debiprashad & Budhram’s East Indians in the Caribbean (1987)
I=Indians; A=Africans; O=Others

Table 1 shows that in the Ministries in the 1970s, only a small number of Indians occupied senior administrative positions. In 1973, there was only one Indian Permanent Secretary and two in 1979. About 37% of Principal Assistant Secretaries and only 23% of Heads of Personnel Divisions were Indians. There were 7 Indian Ministers and 20 African Ministers. There was some ethnic balance in the Accounts Division. Africans clearly dominated positions of Other Departmental/Divisional Heads, including Regional Development Officers during the PNC ruling years.

Table 2: Ethnic Composition of Heads of Main Educational Institutions

Source: Debiprashad & Budhram’s East Indians in the Caribbean (1987)

Table 2 shows that few Indians occupied positions of influence within the educational institutions. However, Indians carried a majority of headships in secondary schools. In 2006, there were 30% Indians and 45% Africans as Heads of secondary schools; in fact, during the PNC’s ruling years, there were 70% African and 30% REDOs, whereas in 2006, there were 55% Africans and 45% Indians.

Table 3: Corporations – Senior Administrative and Management Ranks

Source: Debiprashad & Budhram’s East Indians in the Caribbean (1987)

Table 3 again shows a preponderance of Africans in senior management jobs in all categories. The Guyana State Corporation (GUYSTAC) controlled all corporations; and GUYSTAC had executive chairmen, where each chairman had jurisdiction over some corporations.